Showing posts with label The relationship between men and women. Show all posts
Showing posts with label The relationship between men and women. Show all posts

Wednesday, November 11, 2026

Thursday, November 11, 1926. Coolidge speaks in Kansas City on Armistice Day.

Plans for U.S. Highway 30, replacing the Lincoln Highway but generally along the same route, finalized.

Plans for Route 66 were also finalized.

It was all part of the establishment of the United States Numbered Highway System on this date.

President Coolidge dedicated the Liberty Memorial in Kansas City, Missouri.

Fellow Countrymen:

It is with a mingling of sentiments that we come to dedicate this memorial. Erected in memory of those who defended their homes and their freedom in the World War, it stands for service and all that service implies. Reverence for our dead, respect for our living, loyalty to our country, devotion to humanity, consecration to religion, all of these and much more is represented in this towering monument and its massive supports. It has not been raised to commemorate war and victory, but rather the results of war and victory, which are embodied in peace and liberty. In its impressive symbolism it pictures the story of that one increasing purpose declared by the poet to mark all the forces of the past which finally converge in the spirit of America in order that our country as “the heir of all the ages, in the foremost files of time,” may forever hold aloft the glowing hope of progress and peace to all humanity.

Five years ago it was my fortune to take part in a public service held on this very site when General Pershing, Admiral Beatty, Marshal Foch, General Diaz, and General Jacques, representing several of the allied countries in the war, in the presence of the American Legion convention, assisted in a formal beginning of this work which is now reaching its completion. To-day I return at the special request of the distinguished Senators from Missouri and Kansas, and on the invitation of your committee on arrangements, in order that I may place the official sanction of the National Government upon one of the most elaborate and impressive memorials that adorn our country. It comes as a fitting observance of this eighth anniversary of the signing of the armistice on November 11, 1918. In each recurring year this day will be set aside to revive memories and renew ideals. While it did not mark the end of the war, for the end is not yet, it marked a general subsidence of the armed conflict which for more than four years shook the very foundations of western civilization.

We have little need to inquire how that war began. Its day of carnage is done. Nothing is to be gained from criminations and recriminations. We are attempting to restore the world to a state of better understanding and amity. We can even leave to others the discussion of who won the war. It is enough for us to know that the side on which we fought was victorious. But we should never forget that we were asserting our rights and maintaining our ideals. That, at least, we shall demand as our place in history.

The energy and success with which our country conducted its military operations after it had once entered the war has now become a closed record of fame. The experience of this thriving city and these two adjoining States was representative of that of the country. Soon came the marshaling of the National Guard. From its existing units in Missouri and Kansas the foundation of the Thirty-fifth Division was laid. The Eighty-ninth Division was raised almost entirely in these two States. A portion of the Forty-second, known as the Rainbow Division, came from this city. The whole martial spirit of this neighborhood, which within a radius of 200 miles had furnished the famous Regiment of Missouri Volunteers, commanded by Col. John W. Doniphan when he made one of the most celebrated of marches to the conquest of Chihuahua in the Mexican War, reasserted itself as it had done in sixty-one and ninety-eight. While these divisions were serving with so much distinction on the battle fields of France their fellow citizens were supporting them with scarcely less distinction in patriotic efforts at home. They were furnishing money or Liberty loans, subscribing to the relief associations headed by the Red Cross, turning out munitions from the factories and rations from the fields. The whole community was inspired with a devotion to the cause of liberty. Returning at the end of the war, these divisions have increased their distinction by being represented in high places in civil life. From the Eighty-ninth came the great administrator and colonial governor, Maj. Gen. Leonard Wood, and from the Thirty-fifth Division came a distinguished son of Missouri, the present Secretary of War, Col. Dwight F. Davis.

Under no other flag are those who have served their country held in such high appreciation. It is, of course, impossible for the eyes of the Government to detect all individual cases of veterans requiring relief in every part of our land. But the Veterans’ Bureau is organized into departments and subdivisions, so that if any worthy person escapes their observation it is because the utmost care and attention could do no more. In the last eight years about $3,500,000,000 have been expended by the National Government for restoration, education, and relief. Nearly $3,200,000,000 have been pledged to accrue in future benefits to all veterans. Whenever they may be suffering from illness, whatever may be its cause, the doors of our hospitals are open to them without charge until they are restored to health. This is an indication of praise and reward which our country bestows upon its veterans. Our admiration is boundless. It is no mere idle form; it is no shadow without reality, but a solid and substantial effort rising into the dignity of a sacrifice made by all the people that they might in some degree recognize and recompense those who have served in time of national peril. All veterans should know this and appreciate it, and they do. All citizens should know it and be proud of it, and they are.

Considering the inspiring record of your soldiers in the field and the general attitude of appreciation which has been constantly reiterated by the whole Nation, it would be but natural to suppose that this mid-western country would give appropriate expression to the honor and devotion in which it holds those who served their country and the ideals for which they were contending. But the magnitude of this memorial, and the broad base of popular support on which it rests, can scarcely fail to excite national wonder and admiration. More than one person out of four in the entire population of this city responded to an appeal for funds, which gave pledges in excess of $2,000,000. It represents the high aspirations of this locality for ideals expressed in forms of beauty. We can not look upon it without seeing a reflection of all the freshness and vigor that marks the life of the broad expanse of the open country and the love of the sciences and the arts and the graces as expressed in the life of her growing towns. These results are not achieved without real sacrifice. They supply their own overpowering answer to those who charge our countrymen with a lack of appreciation for the finer things of life. Those who have observed such criticism can not fail to discover that it results in large part, from misunderstanding. But assuming it to be correct, I am of the firm conviction that there is more hope for the progress of true ideals in the modern world even from a nation newly rich than there is from a nation of chronically poor. Honest poverty is one thing, but lack of industry and character is quite another. While we do not need to boast of our prosperity, or vaunt our ability to accumulate wealth, I see no occasion to apologize for it. It is the expression of a commendable American spirit to live a life not merely devoted to luxurious ease, but to practical accomplishment. Nowhere is this better exemplified than in our great mid-continental basin. It is the spirit which dares, which has faith, and which succeeds. It is not confined to materialism, but lays hold on a higher life.

No one can doubt that our country was exalted and inspired by its war experience. It attained a conscious national unity which it never before possessed. That unity ought always to be cherished as one of our choicest possessions. In this broad land of ours there is enough for everybody. We ought not to regret our diversification, but rather rejoice in it. The seashore should not be distressed because it is not the inlands, and the fertile plains ought not to distracted because they are not the mountain tops. These differences which seem to separate us are not real. The products of the shore, the inlands, the plain, and the mountain reach into every home. This is all one country. It all belongs to us. It is all our America.

We had revealed to us in our time of peril not only the geographical unity of our country, but, what was of even more importance, the unity of the spirit of our people. They might speak with different tongues, come from most divergent quarters of the globe, but in the essentials of the hour they were moved by a common purpose, devoted to a common cause, and loyal to a common country. We should not permit that spirit which was such a source of strength in our time of trial to be dissipated in the more easy days of peace. We needed it then and we need it now. But we ought to maintain it, not so much because it is to our advantage as because it is just and human and right.

Our population is a composite of many different racial strains. All of them have their points of weakness; all of them have their points of strength. We shall not make the most progress by undertaking to rely upon the sufficiency of any one of them, but rather by using the combination of the power which can be derived from all of them. The policy which was adopted during the war of selective service through the compulsory Government intervention is the same policy which we should carry out in peace through voluntary personal action. Our armies could not be said to partake of any distinct racial characteristic; many of our soldiers were foreigners by birth, but they were all Americans in the defense of our common interests. There was ample opportunity for every nationality and every talent. The same condition should prevail in our peace-time social and economic organization. We recognize no artificial distinctions, no hereditary titles, but leave each individual free to assume and enjoy the rank to which his own services to society entitle him. This great lesson in democracy, this great example of equality which came to us as the experience of the war, ought never to be forgotten. It was a resurgence of the true American spirit which combined our people through a common purpose into one harmonious whole. When armistice day came in 1918, America had reached a higher and truer national spirit than it ever before possessed. We at last realized in a new vision that we were all one people.

Our country has never sought to be a military power. It cherishes no imperialistic designs, it is not infatuated with any vision of empire. It is content within its own territory, to prosper through the development of its own resources. But we realize thoroughly that no one will protect us unless we protect ourselves. Domestic peace and international security are among the first objects to be sought by any government. Without order under the protection of law there could be no liberty. To insure these necessary conditions we maintain a very moderate military establishment in proportion to our numbers and extent of territory. It is a menace to no one except the evildoer. It is a notice to everybody that the authority of our Government will be maintained and that we recognize that it is the first duty of Americans to look after America and maintain the supremacy of American rights. To adopt any other policy would be to invite disorder and aggression which must either be borne with humiliating submission or result in a declaration of war.

While of course our Government is thoroughly committed to a policy of permanent international peace and has made and will continue to make every reasonable effort in that direction, it is therefore also committed to a policy of adequate national defense. Like everything that has any value, the Army and Navy cost something. In the last half dozen years we have appropriated for their support about $4,000,000,000. Taken as a whole, there is no better Navy than our own in the world. If our Army is not as large as that of some other countries, it is not outmatched by any other like number of troops. Our entire military and naval forces represent a strength of about 550,000 men, altogether the largest which we have ever maintained in time of peace. We have recently laid out a five-year program for improving our aviation service. It is a mistake to suppose that our country is lagging behind in this modern art. Both in the excellence and speed of its planes it holds high records, while in number of miles covered in commercial and postal aviation it exceeds that of any other countries.

Although I have spoken of our national defenses somewhat in relation to other countries, I have done so entirely for the purpose of measurement and not for comparison, for our Government stands also thoroughly committed to the policy of avoiding competition in armaments. We expect to provide ourselves with reasonable protection, but we do not desire to enter into competition with any other country in the maintenance of land or sea forces. Such a course is always productive of suspicion and distrust, which usually results in inflicting upon the people an unnecessary burden of expense, and when carried to its logical conclusion ends in armed conflict. We have at last entered into treaties with the great powers eliminating to a large degree competition in naval armaments. We are engaged in negotiations to broaden and extend this humane and enlightened policy and are willing to make reasonable sacrifices to secure its further adoption.

It is doubtful if in the present circumstances of our country the subject of economy and the reduction of the war debt has ever been given sufficient prominence in considering the problem of national defense. For the conduct of military operations either by land or sea three elements are necessary. One is a question of personnel. We have a population which surpasses that of any of the great powers. Not only that, it is of a vigorous and prolific type, intelligent and courageous, capable of supplying many millions of men for active duty. Another relates to supplies. In our agriculture and our industry we could be not only well-nigh self-sustaining, but our production could be stimulated to reach an enormous amount. The last requirement, which is also of supreme importance, is a supply of money. It is difficult to estimate in figures the entire resources of our country and impossible to comprehend them. It is estimated to be approaching in value $400,000,000,000. No one could say in advance how large a sum could be secured from a system of war taxation, but everyone knows it would be insufficient to meet the cost of war. It would be necessary for the Treasury to resort to the use of the national credit. Great as that might be, it is not limitless. To carry on the last conflict we borrowed in excess of $26,000,000,000. This great debt has been reduced to about $19,000,000,000. So long as that is unpaid it stands as a tremendous impediment against the ability of America to defend itself by military operations. Until this obligation is discharged it is the one insuperable obstacle to the possibility of developing our full national strength. Every time a Liberty bond is retired preparedness is advanced.

It is more and more becoming the conviction of students of adequate defense that in time of national peril the Government should be clothed with authority to call into its service all of its man power and all of its property under such terms and conditions that it may completely avoid making a sacrifice of one and a profiteer of another. To expose some men to the perils of the battle field while others are left to reap large gains from the distress of their country is not in harmony with our ideal of equality. Any future policy of conscription should be all-inclusive, applicable in its terms to the entire personnel and the entire wealth of the whole Nation.

It is often said that we profited from the World War. We did not profit from it but lost from it in common with all countries engaged in it. Some individuals made gains, but the Nation suffered great losses. Merely in the matter of our national debt it will require heavy sacrifices extended over a period of about 30 years to recoup those losses. What we suffered indirectly in the diminution of our commerce and through the deflation which occurred when we had to terminate the expenditure of our capital and begin to live on our income is a vast sum which can never be estimated. The war left us with debts and mortgages, without counting our obligations to our veterans, which it will take a generation to discharge. High taxes, insolvent banks, ruined industry, distressed agriculture¬–all followed in its train. While the period of liquidation appears to have been passed, long years of laborious toil on the part of the people will be necessary to repair our loss. It was not because our resources had not been impaired, but because they were so great that we could meantime finance these losses while they are being restored, that we have been able so early to revive our prosperity. But the money which we are making to-day has to be used in part to replace that which we expended during the war.

In time the damage can be repaired, but there are irreparable losses which will go on forever. We see them in the vacant home, in the orphaned children, in the widowed women, in the bereaved parents. To the thousands of the youth who are gone forever must be added other thousands of maimed and disabled. It is these things that bring to us more emphatically than anything else the bitterness, the suffering, and the devastation of armed conflict.

It is not only because of these enormous losses suffered alike by ourselves and the rest of the world that we desire peace, but because we look to the arts of peace rather than war as the means by which mankind will finally develop its greatest spiritual power. We know that discipline comes only from effort and sacrifice. We know that character can result only from toil and suffering. We recognize the courage, the loyalty, and the devotion that are displayed in war, and we realize that we must hold many things more precious than life itself.

‘Tis man’s perdition to be safe

When for the truth he ought to die.

But it can not be that the final development of all these fine qualities is dependent upon slaughter and carnage and death. There must be a better, purer process within the realm of peace where humanity can discipline itself, develop its courage, replenish its faith, and perfect its character. In the true service of that ideal, which is even more difficult to maintain than our present standards, it can not be that there would be any lack of opportunity for the revelation of the highest form of spiritual life.

We shall not be able to cultivate the arts of peace by constant appeal to primal instincts. To the people of the jungle, the stranger was always the enemy. As the race grew up through the family, the tribe, the clan, and the nation, this sentiment always survived. The foreigner was subject to suspicion, without rights and without friends. This spirit prevailed even under the Roman Empire. It would not have been sufficient for St. Paul to claim protection because he was a human being, or even an inhabitant of a peaceful province. It was only when he asserted that he was a Roman citizen that he could claim any rights or the protection of any laws. We do not easily emancipate ourselves from these age-old traditions. When we come in contact with people differing from ourselves in dress and appearance, in speech and accent, the inherited habits of our physical being naturally react unfavorably. Nothing is easier than an appeal to suspicion and distrust. It is always certain that the unthinking will respond to such efforts. But such reaction is of the flesh, not of the spirit. It represents the opportunist, not the idealist. It serves the imperialistic cause of conquest, but it is not found in the lesson of the Sermon on the Mount. It may flourish as the impulse of the day, but it is not the standard which will finally prevail in the world. It is necessary that the statesmanship of peace should lead in some other direction.

If we are to have peace, therefore, we are to live in accordance with the dictates of a higher life. We shall avoid any national spirit of suspicion, distrust, and hatred toward other nations. The Old World has for generations indulged itself in this form of luxury. The results have been ruinous. It is not for us who are more fortunately circumstanced to pass judgment upon those who are less favored. In their place we might have done worse. But it is our duty to be warned by their example and to take full advantage of our own position. We want understanding, good will, and friendly relations between ourselves and all other people. The first requisite for this purpose is a friendly attitude on our own part. They tell us that we are not liked in Europe. Such reports are undoubtedly exaggerated and can be given altogether too much importance. We are a creditor Nation. We are more prosperous than some others. This means that our interests have come within the European circle where distrust and suspicion, if nothing more, have been altogether too common. To turn such attention to us indicates at least that we are not ignored.

While we can assume no responsibility for the opinions of others, we are responsible for our own sentiments. We ought to be wise enough to know that in the sober and informed thought of other countries we probably hold the place of a favored nation. We ought not to fail to appreciate the trials and difficulties, the suffering and the sacrifices of the people of our sister nations, and to extend to them at all times our patience, our sympathy, and such help as we believe will enable them to be restored to a sound and prosperous condition. I want to be sure that the attitude and acts of the American Government are right. I am willing to intrust to others the full responsibility for the results of their own behavior.

Our Government has steadily maintained the policy of the recognition and sanctity of international obligations and the performance of international covenants. It has not believed that the world, economically, financially, or morally, could rest upon any other secure foundation. But such a policy does not include extortion or oppression. Moderation is a mutual international obligation. We have therefore undertaken to deal with other countries in accordance with these principles, believing that their application is for the welfare of the world and the advancement of civilization.

In our prosperity and financial resources we have seen not only our own advantage but an increasing advantage to other people who have needed our assistance. The fact that our position is strong, our finances stable, our trade large, has steadied and supported the economic condition of the whole world. Those who need credit ought not to complain, but rather rejoice that there is a bank able to serve their needs. We have maintained our detached and independent position in order that we might be better prepared, in our own way, to serve those who need our help. We have not desired or sought to intrude, but to give our counsel and our assistance when it has been asked. Our influence is none the less valuable because we have insisted that it should not be used by one country against another, but for the fair and disinterested service of all. We have signified our willingness to cooperate with other countries to secure a method for the settlement of disputes according to the dictates of reason.

Justice is an ideal, whether it be applied between man and man or between nation and nation. Ideals are not secured without corresponding sacrifice. Justice can not be secured without the maintenance and support of institutions for its administration. We have provided courts through which it might be administered in the case of our individual citizens. A Permanent Court of International Justice has been established to which nations may voluntarily resort for an adjudication of their differences. It has been subject to much misrepresentation, which has resulted in much misconception of its principles and objects among our people. I have advocated adherence to such a court by this Nation on condition that the statute or treaty creating it be amended to meet our views. The Senate has adopted a resolution for that purpose.

While the nations involved can not yet be said to have made a final determination, and from most of them no answer has been received, many of them have indicated that they are unwilling to concur in the conditions adopted by the resolution of the Senate. While no final decision can be made by our Government until final answers are received, the situation has been sufficiently developed so that I feel warranted in saying that I do not intend to ask the Senate to modify its position. I do not believe the Senate would take favorable action on any such proposal, and unless the requirements of the Senate resolution are met by the other interested nations I can see no prospect of this country adhering to the court.

While we recognize the obligations arising from the war and the common dictates of humanity which ever bind us to a friendly consideration for other people, our main responsibility is for America. In the present state of the world that responsibility is more grave than it ever was at any other time. We have to face the facts. The margin of safety in human affairs is never very broad, as we have seen from the experience of the last dozen years. If the American spirit fails, what hope has the world? In the hour of our triumph and power we can not escape the need for sober thought and consecrated action. These dead whom we here commemorate have placed their trust in us. Their living comrades have made their sacrifice in the belief that we would not fail. In the consciousness of that trust and that belief this memorial stands as our pledge to their faith, a holy testament that our country will continue to do its duty under the guidance of a Divine Providence.

Cartoon from this day:


Last edition.

Tuesday, November 9, 1926. Queen Marie visits Casper.

Saturday, November 11, 1911. The Great Blue Norther

 A massive cold snap hit the Central US in what has been termed The Great Blue Norther.


Several states saw record monthly highs on November 10 and 11 and record cold monthly lows on November 12 and 13.  Oklahoma City went from 83F to 17F during the day.

The Whirlpool Corporation was founded.

Kaiser Wilhelm II transferred the Crown Prince to a job in Danzig for siding with the German opposition in regard to Germany policy in Morocco.

The storm, and the sack of Nanking made the front page news in Cheyenne.


The paper also had some dire domestic news, and the rival Cheyenne paper gave a glimpse of that, and how the law worked at the time.


Charles Young, at the time a Captain in the U.S. Army, came up in a meeting between the State Department and the War Department, which was effectively the equivalent of the modern Department of the Army.  Young was eligible for promotion to Major, which was a problem as he was a black officer and that would put him in charge of white troops in the cavalry, which he was part of.  

The decision was made to assign Young as a military attache to Liberia and act as a military adviser to the country.

Last edition:

Friday, November 10, 1911. Nanjing sacked, USS Florida's crew trains, Carnegie donates, Mexican protests, garbage strike.

Saturday, October 10, 2026

On Obsolete Institutions, Immoral behavior, Old Standards. Mehr Mensch Sein. Cornell Rape and Other Matters.

Sanctify yourself and you will sanctify society.
St. Francis of Assisi

Chi Phi (ΧΦ) house at Cornell.

Every once and a while I publish something here which I know, if anyone reads it, will offer offense.

This will offer massive offense.  It can't help but do so.1

It's also one of those posts which involves a lot of synchronicity.

The details.
I felt like bait.
Cornell rape victim.

Caption to lawsuit, entire suit visible here:  Suit.

Recently the news of a gang rape of a young woman at Cornell University has been much in the news.  I actually didn't pay a lot of attention to it at first as, oddly enough, I'd just read an article in the New York Times magazine supplement of a young woman who was gang raped at a university and the details, to the minor extent I was aware of them, were much the same. Turns out that it was actually a different event, and frankly the one I read about first was significantly more horrific in some fashions.  After that, I looked on the net a bit, and as I'll explain below, I read of a young woman who had, almost successfully, but apparently not quite, achieved the removal of her self posted nude images from the net, and then following that, due my Twitter feed, saw a Catholic young woman commenting in horror to the comments by one of a contemporary comedian regarding sexual conduct.

Eh?  Are these all related?

Yes, they are.

Let's start with Cornell.

The way the story is more or less reported is that the young woman. age 20, went to the fraternity room of a male friend she was interested in, after having become heavily intoxicated earlier in the evening. At the fraternity, she drank more and consumed at least ketamine and then was gang raped by members of the Chi Phi (ΧΦ).  In a 50,000 foot sort of way, all that's correct.  But when you did into the details the story is quite a bit different.

Rather, what happened, is the young woman in a sorority had an interest, both romantic and sexual, in a young man in a fraternity.  Now, frankly, in any romantic interest there's always a sexual element, which will explore below, so the two are not necessarily completely separated.  But what picks up from there grossly departs from what standards had been only fairly recently.  She spoke to him on the phone and was invited out for the evening, starting off at a bar. They adjourned to the frat house, and when she got there, he included a friend and proposed a sexual threesom, i.e., that she consent to being screwed by him and by his buddy, and she agreed.  The complaint alleges she was too drunk to say no, but frankly that seems incorrect.  She also agreed to take ketamine, and consumed more alcohol.  This didn't render her unconscious, but it did render her sexually pliable and various frat members came in to screw her and the word got around that you could have sex just by stopping in.  At least at some point in this horrific series of events, one male member of the fraternity stopped in just out of concern, and found the first two men there and the woman under the covers.  Satisfied, I guess, that things were okay, he left. Ultimately, several men penetrated her, including the first two.



The next day the one guy she liked and the girl started exchanging texts and she wanted, at first, to develop a romantic relationship with him still. She confessed awkwardice at what hat happened, but admitted at least some of the actions were consensual.  And as gross as it was, she was an underaged drinker, the first gross act was.  As time went on she convinced herself she'd been raped, and indeed she had been, and reported it, which at the same time was coincident with news of the event getting around campus and the girl feeling her reputation was ruined.2   It was not prosecuted in part as the Cornell police did not report the full details to the prosecutor.  Apparently New York retains a very antiquated view of the law in this area, although it's not historically unique, that if a person starts consenting and passes out (which she didn't) they've consented.   

Again, that view of this topic is antiquated, but it's not unique.  The concept that if a girl starts down the road to sex, even if she didn't get very far down the road, which this girl clearly did, and passes out due to alcohol, has still consented, used to be a cultural norm and that tended to reflect itself in the law.

The cultural view is still there to a significant degree.

Which takes us there to the next horror.

In the second instance, a young woman went away to college.  She was an adoptee raised by loving parents but it's pretty clear that when she got there she used it as an opportunity to "party".  Indeed, she was drinking like crazy.  She had some male friends she trusted, and went to a bar with them. While there, she drank very heavily and passed out. They raped her and used their phones to video themselves raping her. They then posted it on social media, which is how she learned she'd been raped.

This story is frankly more horrific. The young woman's error here was in getting drunk. She thought the men were her friends.  When she was vulnerable, they flat out raped her. But they were so debased they shared the images of the rape on social media.  The event was too much for her, and she dropped out of school.

Which takes us to social media.

While looking into this I ran across a story of another young woman.  Looking at it, she appears to be a fairly nice if highly naive young woman who graduated with a fairly common but somewhat difficult four year degree.  While in school, she participated in activities of a collegic nature, being a cheerleader.

She is also massively endowed, which even her "clean" photos make plain.  She apparently picked up on that being a real attractant and started posting images of herself on social media, showing offer her clothed assets, which then linked to an "Only Fans" account where she could be seen nude.  At some point the danger or stupidity of this must have occurred to someone (she graduated and I wonder if it was employment related) and she mounted a vigorous campaign to wipe out all the nude images.  Apparently she was mostly successful, which is impressive, and which also suggest that she probably had to resort to legal help. In spite of all this, she still posts TikTok streams, clothed, which are clearly designed to show off her boobs and which frequently involve heavy drinking.  She's trying to be an "influencer".

Well, it's sure not a good influence.

And finally to our last item.

 A comedy clip, which appears to have started off as a "reel", showed up on my Twitter feeds as a comment by a horrified Catholic young woman.  In it, the comedian is doing the engagement with the audience routine.

There are piles of such reels around by female comedians right now, and quite a few (but not all) like to engage in sex as a topic.  I'm not sure, but I think it has to do with sort of the Lenny Bruce Effect, which is basically that to say something shocking when its not expected draws attention.  It also expand the boundaries of what's considered shocking in a culture.  Bruce was crude and vulgar and used the topic of sex in his routine.  His personality trod close to his topics, he married a stripper.  He died at age 40 of a drug overdose.

He also opened up the door to acts like Richard Pryor's.  Today vulgarity is common.  

Anyhow, the comedienne called out a couple and asked them if they were married, which they were, and how old she was when they met.  16.  She then asked how many men she had engaged in sex with, something that in an earlier era would have resulted in immediate rebuke. That's become a big female edgy topic recently, with women boasting of their "body counts", as if it's all that hard for any woman who wants to have sex, to have it (more on that in a moment).  She'd only had sex with her husband, which was then lampooned.

That's worthy of praise, not lampooning, and that was the American, and the European, norm up until the Sexual Revolution.  Multiple sex partners were not admired in anyone, and for women that resulted in their being regarded as a "slut", which we'll discuss in more depth below.

Okay, where do we go with all of this?  There is a lot to consider, and a lot of it isn't being considered.

Let's take the low hanging fruit first.

Chi Phi (ΧΦ) badge.

Fraternities, and sororities, need to be abolished.

A student movement at Cornell realized this before this assault.  It wasn't the first assault alleged to have occurred in this frat house, and they tried to ban fraternities, unsuccessfully.

There is really no reason for fraternities any longer. They reflect the nature of education that existed before World War Two, and really well before World War Two.  In the US, at least, they have their start in the late 18th Century.

While there are exceptions, for the most part university dormitories, "the dorms", did not become common in university settings until after World War Two at which point there was a massive expansion in the student population due to the GI Bill.  The first purpose built drom at the University of Wyoming, which is of course a land grant institution, was considerably older than that, however, being Merica Hall, which opened as a women's dorm in 1908.  It was originally called "Women's Hall."  There was early housing for male students at UW before that, but in what is now called "Old Main", which also held all of the classrooms.  It was built in 1886.  This shows, perhaps, some of the awkward nature of the original housing arrangements.  Combined classrooms and living quarters in buildings was a common early solution to student's residential needs.  Hoyt Hall, which was a drom and a education building, was started in 1915.  Knight Hall and the the Student Union were built as a part of a late 1940s Depression era construction project.    Wyoming Hall was completed in 1951.

The first fraternity at UW, Sigma Beta Phi, opened in 1903.  The oldest sorority in 1905.

That might seem to cut against my argument here, but it really does not.  Upper education was mostly for the well to do.  Land grant universities were not.  There were some early school housing buildings in various locations, but they tended to be in buildings that were otherwise used for classes.  Early dormitories at coeducational institutions tended to be built for women first.  There were no such things as "coed" dorms.

Casper College, in Casper Wyoming, opened as Casper Junior College on September 17, 1945, a date we failed to note on this site.  It was originally in the upper floor of hte high school, but moved onto its own campus in 1955.  It did not have a dormitory until 1965.

So, then, what did a student do if there wasn't a dormitory, or wasn't room in one?

A person might think this is an easy question to answer, "rent an apartment", but it's not as easy as it sounds.  As we've already discussed, lodging was more complicated for single people before refrigerators and modern stoves came into existence.  Sure, you could rent an apartment, but it wasn't until the mid 20th Century that it was really relatively easy to live on your own in one.  Students tend not to have a lot of money, and therefore its not like eating out every day was an option for a lot of them.  "Starving student" had a meaning then that it doesn't now.

An option therefore was living in a boarding or "rooming" house, which a lot of single people did in general. We've already discussed that.  Privately owned, they provided room and board but often under fairly strict supervision.  A good example of this is given in the movie Brooklyn, which depicts a boarding house in the 1950s for young single women.

Student apartments did exist in some areas where the student population was fairly high.  For large private schools, like Harvard, these tended to be multiple room, say with bedrooms for about four students, and a small room for a servant.  That person took care of the cooking and cleaning for the students.  Clearly this is long gone.

Cornell, we'll note, is a private university.



And then there were fraternities and ultimately sororities.

Housing and food was the main advantage of fraternities.  A person needed a place to live, and like student apartments, fraternities had and still have a person who cooks and cleans.  Indeed, I recall some students claiming they were joining fraternities just as the food was better than at the dorms.

Early on, with upper education being very exclusive, fraternities tended to function as literary societies.  In the 19th Century, however, they were part of the large Protestant fraternal organization movement, and they began to incorporate secret rituals, some of them which were outright bizarre.  I don't know about Chi Phi, but it does have an initiation ritual, which interestingly enough emphasizes integrity and honesty.  This is interesting in that at the same time clubs that focused on dinner with dinging halls also started to exist, giving another food option to students, but also functioning sort of like fraternal organizations do today.  Having said that, dining clubs never became enormously common in the US.

The GI Bill flooded universities after World War Two and they responded by creating dorms.  Fraternities and Sororities also expanded, but by the 1960s their real purpose had passed. There was no longer a real need to join one as there was no real living advantage to doing so. Given that, their main purpose became social.

Social clubs with significant numbers of people who range from 18 to 22  years of age are a bad idea in general, unless they have massive supervision.  A lot of returning World War Two veterans were, of course, over that age, and the real impact of things didn't begin to settle in until the 1950s and 1960s.

In the 50s and 60s the US was hit with the combined impact of a massive demographic influx, the Baby Boomers, a huge boost in the wealth of the country, and an assault on morals and image of women in the form of the views espoused by Playboy magazine.  The impact was society wide but it had a particular impact on college and university campuses.  Nowhere was that more felt than in fraternities.

The classic depiction of this is, of course, National Lampoon's Animal House. That's an exaggeration, like most comedy, but National Lampoon, an expression of Harvard Lampoon, was depicting what it knew, including really vulgar and immoral treatment of women.  A central depiction in the plot of the film is a fraternity member wheeling a  drunk underaged girl home in a shopping cart, after she passes out while they're about to have sex, from a "toga party" . Raping her was a bridge too far for the Lampoon, but it's depicted in such a fashion that it's implied that the chivalrous character, if you will, could have legitimately done that if he wanted to.

When I was at UW in the early 1980s, fraternities actually had "toga parties", although my guess is that they were inspired in that by the film.  One fraternity that was familiar with, as a friend was in it, annually had the "Baby Ball" in which the members and invited sorority girls dressed in sheets, like babies, and slid down the stairs, which were supposed to be fallopian tubes.  They also drank really heavily at this event.

By the time I was in law school, which would be the late 80s, fraternities were on the decline.  That probably reflected a generational change, and a technological one.  You could just as easily live on your own, and if you didn't want to, you could get a really nice dorm room.  They've been declining ever since.

But, as we can see, they are still around.

They ought to be extinguished, as the Cornell student movement tried to do.

Let's start off with a statement that states the obvious, but apparently it isn't.

College students in the 18th Century are not the same as college students in the 21st.

This isn't to suggest that they were perfectly behaved.  The 19th Century US was awash in alcohol all the time and there were some huge alcohol fueled student riots in the 19th Century, including one at West Point (the Eggnog Riot).  And all sorts of weird harassment of underclassmen was common.  In some ways, the abuse of younger students which remains common in some fraternities, occured on a wide scale.  That wide scale abuse of younger students has pretty much stopped in the general student body (not in all fraternities, however), but that came with a broader student body.

What was not as common was the outright abuse of women in this fashion, save for one odd but instructive instance.  Prior to 1865, some university students had enslaved women as servants, and they were subject to sexual abuse, not surprisingly.3 

And up until the 1970s, seemingly, society appreciated that young men without supervision and young women without the same would get into all sorts of trouble.    Kipling noted that "single men in barracks don't grow into plaster saints", a line he wrote about the peacetime British Army, but which applies equally to any group of warehoused young men.  Along the lines of our topic, sexual abuse of female service members has become widespread and nearly incapable of being eradicated.  Given the atmosphere of fraternities, which has been libertine at least in the popular imagination since the 70s, rapes are going to be a feature of them.

Whatever function fraternities, and sororities, served, is pretty much over.  Any benefit they provided, can be provided in other ways.  There are going to be campus rapes no matter what, but keeping fraternities around is encouraging them.4

Which takes us to the next thing.

Failing young men and women.  The battlefield casualties of the sexual revolution.



When this topic broke the week before last, it ended up on the weekend news programs, not too surprisingly.  One of the people who commented on it was Republican 2028 Presidential hopeful, Chris Christie, in his role as a This Week commentator.  Christe noted, albeit only briefly, that young men needed to be better educated that such conduct as was exhibited here is appalling.

That's a given, but how did we even get here, and what do we need to do?

And, frankly, young women need to be better educated in these areas.

And so do adults.

One thing that society in general needs to be better educated on is that university isn't for partying.  As noted above, this sort of view has been around forever, I think you can even find Medieval examples, but starting in the 70s it became pretty bad in some quarters.    In my view, this was part of the post war largess of the Baby Boom era.

Students going to university in the 60s and 70s that if they got through university they were getting a white collar job. That frankly, in many disciplines, built in a  real slack attitude.  Set from from home with parents that held real values but who had been damaged by the horror of the Second World War and the Great Depression, college was a chance to live it up, often on somebody else's money.  Much of this has passed as the economy has changed from what it formerly was to one in which its much more difficult to get by in, but some of that attitude still exists, good examples of which, or perhaps more accurately bad ones, above.  All of the examples except for the last one feature examples of this sort of behavior, and the "influences" example may actually be the worst.

This needs to end.  

How to end it is another matter, although as noted the economy is ending some of it.  Something that impacted it a bit when I was in university was raising the drinking age from 19 to 21, but that's already been done.  In the Cornell example the problem of admitting teenagers to bars legally is highlighted That should end.  If it were me, I'd just make counties that feature educational institutions dry.  That's a severe approach, of course, but I'd take it.  Studies show, fwiw, that almost all rapes of this type and of the service member type are accompanied by overconsumption of alcohol.

Beyond that, however, putting the bullet in the Sexual Revolution needs to happen, and frankly it's starting to. This helps explain the Trad Movement, in part, in the Catholic and Lutheran laity.  When I go to Mass on Sunday and find a young married woman, often not much over 20 years old, in a matilla with her husband and a baby, I'm looking at the foot soldiers of the counter revolution.  Same thing when I go to work and see the young men and women of Luther Classical College walking to school.

This We'll Defend.5 

This emphasizes that the reaction ot the the Sexual Revolution has to be all inclusive and organic.  You can't have a "Me Too" movement that doesn't recognize that. Adopting and teaching a standard, has to adopt it and that's adopting the entire smash.  As Yeoman's laws of human behavior note:


It's interesting how often people try to evade this principal. All people fail in it, as we're fallen and we don't grasp the correctness of various things, but there are those who make a dedicated effort to avoid it.  In a minor way I'm reminded of a couple I know that lived without the benefit of marriage for years, even having a child, who have gone hardcore into the MAGA world, and who are sending their child to Hillsdale school.  They can't quite make it sync as while their instincts are good, they really have to work around to the origin of things to make what they're doing, make sense.

Indeed, while this goes off topic, this particularly American trait is one of hte fundamental flaws of MAGA.  Many of the MAGA faithful, or former faithful, are in it as they have a sense that American society has gone off the rails.  But what they're doing is leaning out of the wreckage of the train car they are in looking back at other toppled cars not realizing that theirs tipped over too.  I.e., they're holding the Car Transgender and Car Homosexual in contempt while wanting to get back to the party in the Car Cheating On Spouse or the Car Divorce which tipped the train over in the first place.



Drilling down on this, what this means is that American society, if it doesn't want college age boys raping college girls, needs to dump the pornographic lifestyle its living in.  Put a bit more bluntly, you can't have a naked Sydney Sweeney advertising a sports website and not expect rape to result.

Also drilling down, the old standard here, which was never perfectly applied, needs to be reapplied.  Young men living in groups didn't generally rape young women as it had been emphasized that it was indescribably wrong.  Moreover, they were taught, and again things happened, that sex was for marriage, not just their own selfish entertainment.6   They were taught was decency was.  Decent people don't post "free pussy in alum pu".

A lot of work needs to be done in this area, but it can start right now by holding those men in this in contempt.  Matthew Ingalls, Johnathan Newell, Winston Lee, Gillio Lopes, Diego Sarabia, Scott Norris, Scott Kretzschmar. Yes, they're innocent until proven guilty, but unless proven to be disconnected with these events, and to have acted to prevent them.  Ingalls and Newell not only deserve contempt, they deserve to be branded as perverts, which is what they are.7 

And assuming, which we are taught not to do, that this meets the New York definition of rape at some point, they shoudl be convicted and sentenced.

But what about Jane Doe?  Indeed, what about all the Jane Does mentioned in this thread?

One of the really disturbing aspects of this is that we now have a society where a 20 year old girl at a prestigious university not only agrees to sex on a sort of first date, she agreed to group sex.  That's perverse. Granted, there are people who are perverse, but now we have been taught not to say such things.

A girl who would have engaged in this conduct when I was young would flat out have been branded a "slut".  That's not to be done now, and is termed "slut shaming", and perhaps the collapse in moral standards make the shaming obsolete.  And it's worth noting that Jane Doe's conviction that everything was morally tainted here grew as the news of what she'd done was spread around.  She was specifically taking heat from two sorority sisters over her role in the whole matter.  That doesn't mean she wasn't raped. So much was going on in terms of drugs and alcohol in this story that if she wasn't impaired at the onset, at some point she most likely was, and she took the position right from the onset that most of it wasn't consensual.  But what we have here is a really gross sex act with two young men she did consent to becoming a sort of orgy in a way, which she didn't consent to.  This isn't the same at all as the Red Army showing up to a village in eastern Germany in 1945.

We need to avoid making this worse that it already is, but frankly we need to get back to a point at which that sort of conduct is shameful.  Which brings me to the last two young women mentioned in this post.  The influencer and couple mocked by the comedienne.

Regarding the influencer, somebody in her orbit, and may she herself, woke up to the fact that posting naked photographs of yourself was shameful, and they were yanked after quite an effort.  Good for whomever woke up that fact.

But bad that her "influencing" is depicing the same sort of conduct that got the second young woman in this story in trouble.  Her failure, if we are to deem it that, was not being sexually immoral, but in allowing herself to get into a drunken stupor in the presence of young men.  

Which leads me to a comment that was made on the Facebook feed for the author of the article mentioned above.  A commenter noted as the asnwer to the article entitled;  Caitlin Flanagan: What Was Jane Doe Looking For?:
So basically… it’s dangerous to be around men? 
I understand the argument about risk, judgment, alcohol, and putting yourself in vulnerable situations. Those are conversations worth having. 
But there’s something deeply unsettling about telling young women: You know what men are like. You know these places are dangerous. Why did you go? 
Women go to fraternity parties because they want to socialize. They want to flirt. They want to meet men. They may even want to have consensual sex. 
None of those things should require accepting sexual assault as a foreseeable consequence of being around men. 
At some point, “women need to make better choices” becomes an extraordinarily damning statement about men. 
So the feminist position is “not all men,” but the anti-feminist position is apparently, “Ladies, you knew there would be men there”?

Well, she's correct in everything she said, the commenter, but she's wrong.   Large groups of young men have fallen off the rails in this way since we have been a species. So, yes, "it's dangerous to be around men".

It is.

Not all men all the time, but this gets back to standards of the past.  It's not that dangerous to be around a bunch of young men. . . who are near older men. . .and better yet if some of them are relatives.  I've seen young men begin to act improperly towards young women where older men were present and intervened, sometimes forcibly.8    In other words, being at the Sheepherders' Fair is one thing, being at Moonies, apparently, quite another.

And, influencer, having a wardrobe made entirely of overly tight halter tops is dangerous. That does, in the real world, one thing.  It advertises your boobs, and advertises that your boobs are available for the taking, along with things located elsewhere on your female body.

We'll loop back around here to the Flanagan article, which is drawing flak.  Flanagan condemns franternitis solidly in the article.  She notes that fraternities were dangerous when she was in college, and that a boyfriend she was breaking up with warned her never to go upstairs in one, which she never did. 

Then she asked this question:

That’s the saddest thing about these old rituals. What attracts women to those parties—late at night, like Jane Doe—to walk alone to a fraternity house and take her chances? 

She answers:
What she’s really looking for is a man. And she has no idea how to find a good one.
Footnotes:


1.  On offering offense, Caitlin Flanagan, a journalist, has already written two articles on this and the second one, which will be noted above, has really drawn criticism.

2. We've left out a lot of details in our first summation of this, but her concern for her reputation isn't surprising.  She consented to getting screwed by one man while performing oral sex on another, and then was screwed by multiple other men.  One of the two original men actually texted her not to worry as things like this were becoming more a societal norm, which is complete bullshit.

3.  Having said that, the practice of "wenching" was common amongst certain men, which involved picking up young women in bars of a certain class, that being the desperate underclass.  This pretty clearly crosses over towards the topic of prostitution pretty quickly.  Having said that, this definitely occurred.

4.  On another note, not one of the very few men I knew who were in fraternities at the University of Wyoming graduated with a degree.  This caused me to be surprised when I learned that a long time partner of mine had been a member of the same fraternity that two individuals I knew, who did not graduate, hate been.

I should note that one of those two fellows, while he did not graduate, didn't live in the frat house the entire four years either, and later went on to become a millionaire.

5.  Motto of the U.S. Army, first adopted in 1778.

6.  The topic of birth control has not come up here.

7.  Ingalls actually has claimed that Jane Does sodomized him, and he's a sexual assault survivor.  Oh please.  At any rate, their joint actions on the girl were perverted, but frankly, her acceptance of being engaged in sex with both at the same time is also perverted.

Kretzschmar maintains that he was not part of the rape at all, and what he did was to go into the room and check on things. This seems to be more or less correct.  His sin, here, is one of omission.  He knew that something was going on and did nothing.

8. Contrary to what people might expect, middle aged men are often way stronger and more adopt in a fight than young men are.

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