Juan Domingo Perón returned to Argentina from exile, the government now in control of a candidate who had run as a stand in for the politically banned Perón. Violence erupted in some locations, and snipers killed thirteen left wing Peronist and wounded 300 at a Peronist rally in Ezeiza.
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Person had started off as a career officer in the Argentine military, and participated in the coup which overthrew the democratically elected government in 1943. Her served as President of Argentina from 1946 to 1955 when he himself was overthrown in a coup, but returned to the country this year, having remained a figure in politics the entire time, and would soon return to power, albeit briefly given his 1974 death.
Politically, Peron is difficult for Americans to grasp and is often poorly defined. He held a corporatism view of economics, which is a view he shared with Italian fascists, although he cannot be regarded as a fascists himself. He's ultimately found his own political party, which held the following corporatist's tenants:
1. A true democracy is that one in which the government does what the people want and defends only one interest: the people's.
2 Peronism is essentially of the common people. Any political elite is anti-people, and thus, not Peronist.
3 A Peronist works for the movement. Whoever, in the name of Peronism, serves an elite or a leader, is a Peronist in name only.
4 For Peronism, there is only one class of person: those who work.
5 Working is a right that creates the dignity of men; and it's a duty, because it's fair that everyone should produce as much as they consume at the very least.
6. For a good Peronist, there is nothing better than another Peronist.
7 No Peronist should feel more than what he is, nor less than what he should be. When a Peronist feels more than what he is, he begins to turn into an oligarch.
8 When it comes to political action, the scale of values of every Peronist is: Argentina first; the movement second; and thirdly, the individuals.
9. Politics are not an end, but a means for the well-being of Argentina: which means happiness for our children and greatness for our nation.
10. The two arms of Peronism are social justice and social help. With them, we can give a hug of justice and love to the people.
13. Peronism desires national unity and not struggle. It wants heroes, not martyrs.
14. Kids should be the only privileged class.
15. A government without doctrine is a body without soul. That's why Peronism has a political, economic and social doctrine: Justicialism.
16. Justicialism is a new philosophy of life: simple, practical, of the common people, and profoundly Christian and humanist.
17. As political doctrine, Justicialism balances the right of the individual and society.
18. As an economic doctrine, Justicialism proposes a social market, putting capital to the service of the economy and the well-being of the people.
19. As a social doctrine, Justicialism carries out social justice, which gives each person their rights in accordance to their social function.
20. Peronism wants an Argentina socially 'fair', economically 'free' and politically 'sovereign'.
21. We establish a centralized government, an organized State and a free people.
22. In this land, the best thing we have is our people.
The party took the term Justicalist for itself, and oddly had a female branch, as a second party, headed by Eva Peron, his second wife.
Peron was married three times, outliving his first two wives.
His first wife, Aurelia, is barely recalled, no doubt because of Peron's real rise to power came after her death by uterine cancer in 1938, at which time she was 36.
His second wife Eva was a legend and became celebrated in a musical in which she was played by Madonna. She was an Argentine basque who was born illegitimately with he father being a wealthy rancher who maintained two families, although he later abandoned his second, illegitimate one, leaving them in poverty. She was 33 at the time of her death in 1952 of cervical cancer, by which time she had become a very public Justicalist figure at a time in which female public political figures were quite rare. She was regarded as being very glamorous.
His third, Isabel, outlived him and succeeded him as President.
For reasons that were hard for me to grasp at the time, the Peron's had quite a sympathetic following in the United States, and I guess they must still somewhat, or at least did at the time that Evita! was filmed. This might in part be because Eva Peron was such an unusual figure. I can recall my mother finding the Peron's very interesting and admiring them.
Meloni says she's not a fascist, and compares her party to the British Tories, the Israeli Likud, and the GOP. The American GOP aside, which is in turmoil and which we'll discuss a little in round two of this fascinating series, the FdI, whatever it is, definitely isn't the British Conservative Party or the Israeli Likud.
Truths turn into dogmas the instant that they are disputed. Thus every man who utters a doubt defines a religion. And the scepticism of our time does not really destroy the beliefs, rather it creates them; gives them their limits and their plain and defiant shape. We who are Liberals once held Liberalism lightly as a truism. Now it has been disputed, and we hold it fiercely as a faith. We who believe in patriotism once thought patriotism to be reasonable, and thought little more about it. Now we know it to be unreasonable, and know it to be right. We who are Christians never knew the great philosophic common sense which inheres in that mystery until the anti-Christian writers pointed it out to us. The great march of mental destruction will go on. Everything will be denied. Everything will become a creed. It is a reasonable position to deny the stones in the street; it will be a religious dogma to assert them. It is a rational thesis that we are all in a dream; it will be a mystical sanity to say that we are all awake. Fires will be kindled to testify that two and two make four. Swords will be drawn to prove that leaves are green in summer. We shall be left defending, not only the incredible virtues and sanities of human life, but something more incredible still, this huge impossible universe which stares us in the face. We shall fight for visible prodigies as if they were invisible. We shall look on the impossible grass and the skies with a strange courage. We shall be of those who have seen and yet have believed.
G.K. Chesterton, in Heretics
This quote, but not in its full length, is getting a lot of traction right now as it shows up, in Italian, being quoted by Giorgina Meloni, in a truncated form, which takes from the following:
Fires will be kindled to testify that two and two make four. Swords will be drawn to prove that leaves are green in summer.
I was surprised to find Meloni quote Chesterton, as I don't think of Chesterton as being a fan of, or useful to, fascists. But perhaps this puts us on the uncomfortable slope where Falangist slide into a certain type of conservatism and trying to define the difficult differences between the Mediterranean post World War Two far right, and Hungarian one, and the American one.
Italian and Spanish fascists were corporatists or syndicalists, which is a hard concept to explain to Americans. They didn't eliminate free enterprise but rather controlled it, with a concept that everything was subordinated to the good of the state which was supposed to work for the good of the people. By the people, it usually meant only the nation in the ethnic sense. In other words, Italian fascists might make common cause with, let's say, Spanish fascists, but that didn't mean that they thought of themselves as the same by any means. The Italian fascists worried principally about ethnic Italians only, which of course ultimately lead to an attempt to expand the Italian empire at the expense of non Italians. Spain's Franco era (Franco was not a fascist, or a Carlist) pretty much started off that way right from the onset, i.e,. Spain's empire was for the Spanish, not for Moroccans.
Falangist are a subset of fascist, with some distinct beliefs. Their basic core tenants were set out in the Twenty Six Points they issued, which stated the following:
NATION - UNITY - EMPIRE
1. We believe in the supreme reality of Spain. The strengthening, elevating, and magnifying of this reality is the urgent collective goal of all Spaniards. Individual, group, and class interests must inexorably give way in order to achieve this goal.
2. Spain has a single destiny in the world. Every conspiracy against this common unity is repulsive. Any kind of separatism is a crime which we shall not pardon. The existing Constitution, to the degree that it encourages disintegration, weakens this common destiny of Spain. Therefore we demand its annulment in a thundering voice.
3. We have the determination to build an Empire. We affirm that Spain's historic fulfilment lies in Empire. We claim for Spain a pre-eminent position in Europe. We can tolerate neither international isolation nor foreign interference. As regards the countries of Hispanic America, we favour unification of their culture, economic interests and power. Spain will continue to act as the spiritual axis of the Hispanic world as a sign of her pre-eminence in worldwide enterprises.
4. Our armed forces- on land, sea, and in the air- must be kept trained and sufficiently large to assure to Spain at all times its complete independence and a status in the world that befits it. We shall bestow upon our Armed Forces of land, sea, and air all the dignity they merit, and we shall cause their military conception of life to infuse every aspect of Spanish life.
5. Spain shall once more seek her glory and her wealth on the sea lanes. Spain must aspire to become a great maritime power, for reasons of both defence and commerce. We demand for the fatherland equal status with others in maritime power and aerial routes.
STATE - INDIVIDUAL - LIBERTY
6. Our State will be a totalitarian instrument to defend the integrity of the fatherland. All Spaniards will participate in this through their various family, municipal, and syndical roles. There shall be no participation in it by political parties. We shall implacably abolish the system of political parties and all of their consequences- inorganic suffrage, representation of clashing groups, and a Parliament of the type that is all too well known.
7. Human dignity, integrity, and freedom are eternal, intangible values. But one is not really free unless he is a part of a strong and free nation. No one will be permitted to use his freedom against the nation, which is the bulwark of the fatherland's freedom. Rigorous discipline will prevent any attempt to envenom and disunite the Spanish people or to incite them against the destiny of the fatherland.
8. The National-Syndicalist State will permit all kinds of private initiative that are compatible with the collective interest, and it will also protect and encourage the profitable ones.
ECONOMY - LABOUR - CLASS STRUGGLE
9. Our conception of Spain in the economic realm is that of a gigantic syndicate of producers. We shall organise Spanish society corporatively through a system of vertical syndicates for the various field of production, all working toward national economic unity.
10. We repudiate the capitalistic system which shows no understanding of the needs of the people, dehumanises private property, and causes workers to be lumped together in a shapeless, miserable mass of people who are filled with desperation. Our spiritual and national conception of life also repudiates Marxism. We shall redirect the impetuousness of those working classes who today are led astray by Marxism, and we shall seek to bring them into direct participation in fulfilling the great task of the national state.
11. The National-Syndicalist State will not cruelly stand apart from man's economic struggles, nor watch impassively while the strongest class dominates the weakest. Our regime will eliminate the very roots of class struggle, because all who work together in production shall comprise one single organic entity. We reject and we shall prevent at all costs selfish interests from abusing others, and we shall halt anarchy in the field of labour relations.
12. The first duty of wealth- and our State shall so affirm- is to better the conditions of the people. It is intolerable that enormous masses of people should live wretchedly while a small number enjoy all kinds of luxuries.
13. The State will recognise private property as a legitimate means for achieving individual, family, and social goals, and will protect it against the abuses of large-scale finance capital, speculators, and money lenders.
14. We shall support the trend toward nationalisation of banking services and, through a system of Corporations, the great public utilities.
15. All Spaniards have the right to work. Public agencies must of necessity provide support for those who find themselves in desperate straits. As we proceed toward a totally new structure, we shall maintain and strengthen all the advantages that existing social legislation gives to workers.
16. Unless they are disabled, all Spaniards have the duty to work. The National-Syndicalist State will not give the slightest consideration to those who fail to perform some useful function and who try to live as drones at the expense of the labour of the majority of people.
LAND
17. We must, at all costs, raise the standard of living in the countryside, which is Spain's permanent source of food. To this end, we demand agreement that will bring to culmination without further delay the economic and social reforms of the agricultural sector.
18. Our program of economic reforms will enrich agricultural production by means of the following:
By assuring a minimum remuneration to all agricultural producers.
By demanding that there be restored to the countryside, in order to provide it with an adequate endowment, a portion of that which the rural population is paying to the cities for intellectual and commercial services.
By organising a truly national system of agricultural credit which will lend money to farmers at low interest against the guarantee of their property and crops, and redeem them from usury and local tyrants.
By spreading education with respect to better methods of farming and sheep raising.
By ordering the rational utilisation of lands in accordance with their suitability and with marketing possibilities.
By adjusting tariff policy in such a way as to protect agriculture and the livestock industry.
By accelerating reclamation projects. By rationalising the units of cultivation, so as to eliminate wasted latifundia and uneconomic, miniscule plots.
19. Our program of social reforms in the field of agriculture will be achieved:
By redistributing arable land in such a way as to revive family farms and give energetic encouragement to the syndicalisation of farm labourers.
By redeeming from misery those masses of people who presently are barely eking out a living on sterile land, and by transferring such people to new and arable lands.
20. We shall undertake a relentless campaign of reforestation and livestock breeding, and we shall punish severely those who resist it. We shall support the compulsory, temporary mobilisation of all Spanish youth for this historic goal of rebuilding the national commonwealth.
21. The State may expropriate without indemnity lands of those owners who either acquired them or exploited them illegally.
22. It will be the primary goal of the National-Syndicalist State to rebuild the communal patrimonies of the towns.
NATIONAL EDUCATION - RELIGION
23. It shall be the essential mission of the State to attain by means of rigorous disciplining of education a strong, united national spirit, and to instil in the souls of future generations a sense of rejoicing and pride in the fatherland.
All men shall receive pre-military training to prepare them for the honour of being enlisted in the National and Popular Army of Spain.
24. Cultural life shall be organised so that no talent will be undeveloped because of insufficient economic means. All who merit it shall be assured ready access to a higher education.
25. Our Movement incorporates the Catholic meaning- of glorious tradition, and especially in Spain- of national reconstruction. The Church and the State will co-ordinate their respective powers so as to permit no interference or activity that may impair the dignity of the State or national integrity.
NATIONAL REVOLUTION
26. The Falange Espanola Tradicionalista y de las JONS demands a new order, as set forth in the foregoing principles. In the face of the resistance from the present order, it calls for a revolution to implant this new order. Its method of procedure will be direct, bold, and combative. Life signifies the art and science of warfare (milicia) and must be lived with a spirit that is purified by service and sacrifice.
That's not the point of this article here, however, but it serves to point out that while something is going on in the entire Western World right now, it's not really the same every place it pops up. Consider again the clip we had of Meloni from the other day.
That's one of the most Un-American speeches you can imagine, although a lot of Americans wouldn't realize it. Not that Meloni would deliver an American speech, she's Italian, but she's not only complaining of the post 1968 liberal changes to the accepted culture, which she is, she's blaming it principally on consumerism.
This view isn't completely unheard of in the United States. People will take shots at consumerism, but it's usually people on the left that do it, and they don't link it to feminism and the LBGQT movement like Meloni is. Not usually. About the closest I've ever heard of that is the essay that somebody wrote some time ago, I've forgotten who, that homosexuals were regarded as the prefect citizens by liberal elites, as they consumed, but didn't reproduce, and lacked the messy personal nature that the 98% of those with normal inclination have. That approaches this statement, but it doesn't go anywhere near as far as Meloni did.
Meloni is definitely tapping into something here, however, in that what she's espousing is the concept that post 68 liberalism is at war with human nature, and she's not wholly incorrect in that either. That's also what partially, but only partially, given rise to populism in the United States. The part of her speech here that doesn't deal with economics would find a sympathetic ear in some parts of the far right.
Indeed, it finds a sympathetic, if surprised, ear from some who are in the Chestertonian camp, or more appropriately at his stammtisch. One twitter commentator, for example, noted upon hearing this that in his view he wasn't saying anything that was fascistic, but rather a string of things in line with Catholic social teaching, with which he approved. This definitely isn't the case for the American Trumpist wing of the GOP.
Is she therefore not a fascist, but rather somebody who would be more comfortable with Chesteron and Belloc?
Frankly, we really don't know. She hasn't been in power, yet, and her party hasn't been, either. What may distinguish it is its willingness to act democratically. That, in the end, has tended to be the defining matter distinguishing very far right political parties from fascist ones, even if the former does not really meet the overall fascist definition. The Falangist and Italian fascist were hostile to democracy, there's no two ways about it. Is the modern FdI? We don't know yet.
For the same reason, we can't say if the FdI is in favor of Illiberal democracy. Progressives could look at this and immediately say that of course it is, but it's really not that simple at all The FdI may be very far right, without being favoring Illiberal democracy. Favoring political progressivism and having a liberal democracy are not the same thing, even though progressives seem to feel it is.
At the end of the day, Meloni may end up being a flash in the pan. As Italy is a parliamentary democracy, her party, while gathering the most votes, only has about 25% of them. The center left party has nearly as many. The remaining 25%, more or less, of votes she needs from other Italian right wing parties do not all come, by any means, from ones that have the same outlook.
But this will prove interesting.
All over Europe, this trend has been occurring. Just last week, the Sweden Democrats, which have neo-Nazi roots, became the second-largest governing partner in the Swedish government. It's a very hard right nationalistic party. We've already discussed Viktor Orban's Hungarian government and it's espousing of Illiberal Democracy. Poland's largest party is the Law and Justice Party, which is a right wing populist party. Slovakia's largest party is the right wing populist Ordinary People and Independents Party. And France, of course, has the National Rally Party which threatened to take office during the last French election and which is the second-largest party in the government, only slightly behind that of the largest party.
Then we have the current GOP.
Perhaps the real distinguishing thing about the current Trump wing of the GOP, which is the dominant branch right now, is that these other parties, which are not all the same, are at least pretty open about their views, which they can be as they're in a parliamentary system. In the case of the Trumpist, the views remain partially camouflaged. And the other major factor right now is that these European parties save for one, Orban's, all seem to be comfortable with full democracy, although I'd certainly hold the question open for the Sweden Democrats on that query as its history would suggest that it wouldn't be, if it were in power.
So, once again, what's that tell us?
It's hard to say, but as noted earlier on this blog, it seems to be an upset with the results of the post 1968 liberalization of the Western World. People feel it's taken from them and forced them into things they don't agree with and don't want to be. And to at least some extent, they feel that it's brought about a culture that's at war with natural culture.
In short, people feel what Meloni expressed:
Fires will be kindled to testify that two and two make four. Swords will be drawn to prove that leaves are green in summer.
All of that were things that conservative parties already held, however. They weren't, however, very successful at doing anything about their views in a massive way. All of these groups promise to.
And maybe they actually would. . . but in the American case, what does that actually mean and do people really know what they're suggesting? We'll look at that next.
