Emiliano Zapata, the greatest of the Mexican Revolutionaries, assassinated

And with him died the hopes for a rational, just and democratic Mexican government for decades.

Emiliano Zapata was the Mexican revolutionary who embodied the best hopes for a real reform in Mexico that was not tainted by the radical spirit of the era, and who held the real hopes of most Mexican's closet to his heart.  He was a great man, and in some way unique among North American revolutionaries and politicians.  His attributes were, in some ways, also his faults, and those faults lead him in the end to unfortunately be ineffective when he could have been a national force.  His death guaranteed the rise of of institutionalized socialist cronyism in Mexico from which it has only recently emerged.

Zapata was of the small farmer class from Morelos State.  His class had been disadvantaged under the regime of Porfirio Diaz who favored the small farming class over the peasant class on water distribution, which was necessary for the production of sugar cane.  This caused Zapata to become politically active at a young age.

During the first stage of the Mexican Revolution, Zapata formed and commanded the Army of the South, proving to be a highly effective military leader.  This, together with the efforts of Pancho Villa in the north, proved critical if the defeat of the Mexican Federal Army.  Once in power, however, Modero, under the influence to a degree of Diaz functionaries and military men who had been left behind and whom Modero did not displace, suppressed Zapata and denounced his views. In turn, Zapata issued the Plan of Ayala and went into rebellion against Modero in November 1911.  The plan stated:

1. Taking into consideration that the Mexican people led by Don Francisco I. Madero went to shed their blood to reconquer liberties and recover their rights which had been trampled on, and for a man to take possession of power, violating the sacred principles which he took an oath to defend under the slogan “Effective Suffrage and No Reelection,” outraging thus the faith, the cause, the justice, and the liberties of the people: taking into consideration that that man to whom we refer is Don Francisco I. Madero, the same who initiated the above-cited revolution, who imposed his will and influence as a governing norm on the Provisional Government of the ex-President of the Republic Attorney Francisco L. de Barra [sic], causing with this deed repeated shedding of blood and multiple misfortunes for the fatherland in a manner deceitful and ridiculous, having no intentions other than satisfying his personal ambitions, his boundless instincts as a tyrant, and his profound disrespect for the fulfillment of the preexisting laws emanating from the immortal code of ’57, written with the revolutionary blood of Ayutla;

Taking into account that the so-called Chief of the Liberating Revolution of Mexico, Don Francisco I. Madero, through lack of integrity and the highest weakness, did not carry to a happy end the revolution which gloriously he initiated with the help of God and the people, since he left standing most of the governing powers and corrupted elements of oppression of the dictatorial government of Porfirio Díaz, which are not nor can in any way be the representation of National Sovereignty, and which, for being most bitter adversaries of ours and of the principles which even now we defend, are provoking the discomfort of the country and opening new wounds in the bosom of the fatherland, to give it its own blood to drink; taking also into account that the aforementioned Sr. Francisco I. Madero, present President of the Republic, tries to avoid the fulfillment of the promises which he made to the Nation in the Plan of San Luis Potosí, being [sic, restricting] the above-cited promises to the agreements of Ciudad Juárez, by means of false promises and numerous intrigues against the Nation nullifying, pursuing, jailing, or killing revolutionary elements who helped him to occupy the high post of President of the Republic;

Taking into consideration that the so-often-repeated Francisco I. Madero has tried with the brute force of bayonets to shut up and to drown in blood the pueblos who ask, solicit, or demand from him the fulfillment of the promises of the revolution, calling them bandits and rebels, condemning them to a war of extermination without conceding or granting a single one of the guarantees which reason, justice, and the law prescribe; taking equally into consideration that the President of the Republic Francisco I. Madero has made of Effective Suffrage a bloody trick on the people, already against the will of the same people imposing Attorney José M. Pino Suáez in the Vice-Presidency of the Republic, or [imposing as] Governors of the States [men] designated by him, like the so-called General Ambrosio Figueroa, scourge and tyrant of the people of Morelos, or entering into chains and follow the pattern of a new dictatorship more shameful and more terrible than that of Porfirio Díaz, for it has been clear and patent that he has outraged the sovereignty of the States, trampling on the laws without any respect  for lives or interests, as has happened in the State of Morelos, and others, leading them to the most horrendous anarchy which contemporary history registers.

For these considerations we declare the aforementioned Francisco I. Madero inept at realizing the promises of the revolution of which he was the author, because he has betrayed the principles with which he tricked the will of the people and was able to get into power: incapable of governing, because he has no respect for the law and justice of the pueblos, and a traitor to the fatherland, because he is humiliating in blood and fire, Mexicans who want liberties, so as to please the científicos, landlords, and bosses who enslave us, and from today on we begin to continue the revolution begun by him, until we achieve the overthrow of the dictatorial powers which exist.

2. Recognition is withdrawn from S. Francisco I. Madero as Chief of the Revolution and as President of the Republic, for the reasons which before were expressed, it being attempted to overthrow this official.

3. Recognized as Chief of the Liberating Revolution is the illustrious General Pascual Orozco, the second of the Leader Don Francisco I. Madero, and in case he does not accept this delicate post, recognition as Chief of the Revolution will go to General Don Emiliano Zapata.

4. The Revolutionary Junta of the State of Morelos manifests to the Nation under formal oath: that it makes its own the plan of San Luis Potosí, with the additions which are expressed below in benefit of the oppressed pueblos, and it will make itself the defender of the principles it defends until victory or death.

5. The Revolutionary Junta of the State of Morelos will admit no transactions or compromises until it achieves the overthrow of the dictatorial elements of Porfirio Díaz and Francisco I. Madero, for the nation is tired of false men and traitors who make promises like liberators and who on arriving in power forget them and constitute themselves tyrants.

6. As an additional part of the plan, we invoke, we give notice: that [regarding] the fields, timber, and water which the landlords, científicos, or bosses have usurped, the pueblos or citizens who have the titles corresponding to those properties will immediately enter into possession of that real estate of which they have been despoiled by the bad faith of our oppressors, maintain at any cost with arms in hand the mentioned possession; and the usurpers who consider themselves with a right to them [those properties] will deduce it before the special tribunals which will be established on the triumph of the revolution.

7. In virtue of the fact that the immense majority of Mexican pueblos and citizens are owners of no more than the land they walk on, suffering the horrors of poverty without being able to improve their social condition in any way or to dedicate themselves to Industry or Agriculture, because lands, timber, and water are monopolized in a few hands, for this cause there will be expropriated the third part of those monopolies from the powerful proprietors of them, with prior indemnization, in order that the pueblos and citizens of Mexico may obtain ejidos, colonies, and foundations for pueblos, or fields for sowing or laboring, and the Mexicans’ lack of prosperity and well-being may improve in all and for all.

8. The landlords, científicos, or bosses who oppose the present plan directly or indirectly, their goods will be nationalized and the two-third parts which [otherwise would] belong to them will go for indemnizations of war, pensions for widows and orphans of the victims who succumb in the struggle for the present plan.

9. In order to execute the procedures regarding the properties aforementioned, the laws of disamortization and nationalization will be applied as they fit, for serving us as norm and example can be those laws put in force by the immortal Juárez on ecclesiastical properties, which punished the despots and conservatives who in every time have tried to impose on us the ignominious yoke of oppression and backwardness.

10. The insurgent military chiefs of the Republic who rose up with arms in hand at the voice of Don Francisco I. Madero to defend the plan of San Luis Potosí, and who oppose with armed force the present plan, will be judged traitors to the cause which they defended and to the fatherland, since at present many of them, to humor the tyrants, for a fistful of coins, or for bribes or connivance, are shedding the blood of their brothers who claim the fulfillment of the promises which Don Francisco I. Madero made to the nation.

11. The expenses of war will be taken in conformity with Article 11 of the Plan of San Luis Potosí, and all procedures employed in the revolution we undertake will be in conformity with the same instructions, which the said plan determines.

12. Once triumphant the revolution which we carry into the path of reality, a Junta of the principal revolutionary chiefs from the different States will name or designate an interim President of the Republic, who will convoke elections for the organization of the federal powers.

13. The principal revolutionary chiefs of each State will designate in Junta the Governor of the State to which they belong, and this appointed official will convoke elections for the due organization of the public powers, the object being to avoid compulsory appointments which work the misfortune of the pueblos, like the so-well-known appointment of Ambrosio Figueroa in the State of Morelos and others who drive us to the precipice of bloody conflicts sustained by the caprice of the dictator Madero and the circle of científicos and landlords who have influenced him.

14. If President Madero and other dictatorial elements of the present and former regime want to avoid the immense misfortunes which afflict the fatherland, and possess true sentiments of love for it, let them make immediate renunciation of the posts they occupy and with that they will with something staunch the grave wounds which they have opened in the bosom of the fatherland, since, if they do not do so, on their heads will fall the blood and the anathema of our brothers.

15. Mexicans: consider that the cunning and bad faith of one man is shedding blood in a scandalous manner, because he is incapable of governing; consider that his system of government is choking the fatherland and trampling with the brute force of bayonets on our institutions; and thus, as we raised up our weapons to elevate him to power, we again raise them up against him for defaulting on his promises to the Mexican people and for having betrayed the revolution initiated by him, we are not personalists, we are partisans of principles and not of men!

Mexican People, support this plan with arms in hand and you will make the prosperity and well-being of the fatherland.
Ayala, November 25, 1911
Liberty, Justice and Law

Modero's troops, which consisted of Diaz's former Federal Army, were very heavy handed in their campaign against Zapata, which ended up throwing support to Zapata. Those forces, lead by Victoriano Huerta, ended up deposing and assassinating Modero in 1914, ending Mexico's first really republican government of any kind in decades.  Following that, former forces and elements that had supported Modero in the first stage of the Mexican Revolution joined forces with him in various regional uprisings in what might be regarded as its second stage, including forces loyal to Villa, Carranza and Obregon.  They in turn defeated Huerta.

The problem had become, however, that with the death of Modero radical elements in the Mexican revolutionary forces were contesting a reactionary government.  None of the forces opposing Huerta lacked radical ideas, but those that were coalescing around Carranza and Obregon were radically socialist and bordered strongly on concepts what would emerge across the globe in the form of Communism.

This not surprisingly lead to strong disagreements between the forces that ousted Huerta and efforts to reconcile the failed.  A provisional government was formed under Eulalio Gutierez and Francisco Pancho Villa was appointed head of the new government's army. At that point, at least technically, Carranza, a socialist radical, was in defiance if not rebellion of the legitimate Mexican government.  

Villa, as the Conventionalist General and head of its armies, Gutierez, the head of state, and Zapata, as always in traditional Mexican dress, at a state dinner in Mexico City after their near victory over Carranza.

The forces of that government, under what was then Gen. Villa and Zapata, successfully waged war against Carranza who withdrew his forces to Vera Cruz.  Villa and Zapata entered Mexico city on December 6, 1914 with a force of 60,000 men.  At that point, had they been more organized and unified, they could have potentially emerged the victors in the war, but their provincial views soon came into play.  Zapata, always a provincialist, withdrew his men to his home state of Morelos, which granted is just south of Mexico City, and the alliance that had allowed for his side to take Mexico City and nearly drive Carranza into defeat fell apart.  For his part, Zapata had turned out not to be impressed by Villa once they had become successful, which was a common impression of the man who was a brilliant cavalry commander but who was also extremely erratic without the stabilizing influence of Modero.

Without Zapata in the capital, Carranza reemerged and soon defeated Villa.  Wild swings of fortune such as this were common in the Mexican Revolution.  Villa remained in the field, but with very little in his control.  Carranza, for his part, secured the support of President Woodrow Wilson in a bizarre twist of fate given that Carranza strongly disliked the United States and he was not sympathetic to Mexico's northern neighbor in any fashion.  He was also a political radical.

Carranza's victory, however, can be partially attributed to Zapata.  Carranza regarded Zapata as an uncultured savage but did try to treat with him when he was under pressure.  It soon became apparent, however, that Zapata's withdrawal to Morales meant that the Constitutionalist had a free had against Villa in the north.  This allowed the Constitutionalist to gain ground and install their regime in Mexico City, which soon acquired international recognition.

Returned to Morales, Zapata was for a time effectively its ruler and he put into place in full his agrarian reforms, which greatly benefited the average peasant but which also harmed other elements of society.  He had a relativity free hand in doing this until 1916, when the victorious Carranza turned his attention on Morales and the Constsitutionalist army invaded and took it. Following this, Zapata engaged in a guerrilla war against Carranza's forces, which of course Pancho Villa was doing in the north as well.  That same year, as we already know, Villa crossed into the United States and the U.S. entered onto Mexican soil as a result.

Indeed the war being waged by Villa in the north, and Felix Diaz in Oaxaca meant that the Cosntitutionalist were not able to reinforce their forces in Morales and Zapata re took the state by the end of 1916 showing how weak the Constitutionalist really were.  During this same period Villa began to grow resurgent even as the U.S. sought a way to exit from Norther Mexico.  By the turn of the year, however, Constitutionalist positions improved and resistance to Carranza outside of Morales started to collapse.  Zapata, for his part, was content to have the state of Morales and not venture outside of it.  Carranza in turn felt secure enough to hold elections in 1917 and to enact a constitution which incorporated Zapata's Plan of Ayala.

This lead to an uneasy state of quasi independence that couldn't last.  Some of Zapata's supporters, recognizing this, sought to treat with the Constitutionalist.  Zapata did not take that approach and looked for support in the country among the followers of Diaz, a political liberal, and even the United States.  By late in the year a rebellion in Morales itself threw part of the state into the hands of Zapata's opponents.

The winter of 1918 proved to be a harsh one in Mexico and the Spanish Flu was devastating in the country.  One quarter of the population of Morales died due to the Spanish Flu.  In December of the year the Constitutionalist commenced an invasion of Morales and Zapata's forces suffered the loss of ground.  With this, Zapata turned his attention to the upcoming 1920 election and threw his support behind Vazquez Gomez and publicly urged Carranza to resign, while also accusing Carranza of sympathy with teh Germans. This threat was not an idle one and did cause Carranza concern. He was urged by his supporters to openly campaign against Carranza but declined, feeling that his leadership of his troops was vital.

In March 1919 the Constitutionalist intended to resume their offensive in Morelos and Gen. Jesus Gaujardo was ordered to do so. Prior to that, however, he was caught carousing in a tavern and a public scandal ensued.  Zapata naively saw this as an opportunity to cause Gaujardo to switch sides and sent him a note inviting him to do so. The note, however, made its way to Gaujardo's superior who called Gaujardo in and dressed him down to the point of tears, before offering him the chance to redeem his honor by enticing Zapata to a meeting as a ruse.  An meeting was arranged between Zapata and Gaujardo on this day in 1919, in which Zapata believed the plan would be to work on the details of a military mutiny.  Instead, he was mowed down by Gaujardo's troops.  The brutal action would be used by Obregon, now a political candidate, against Carranza in the 1920 election.

The dead body of Zapata, photographed for proof of his demise.

Following Zapata's death, his senior commanders aligned with Obregon in ever fashion.  Obregon's vision, however, was not the same as Zapata's.  Zapata was an agrarian in his views and indeed it was his strong regionalism that in the end made him ineffective in a larger sense, even if some of his land reform programs did come into play.

Beyond that, of the principal Mexican revolutionaries of the period, he was the only one who generally fully embodied the view of average Mexicans and the long history of Mexican revolutions against autocracy.  He was an adherent Catholic, if one who strayed (he had a large number of illegitimate children and one legitimate daughter) whose troops marched under a banner featuring the Virgin of Guadalupe, making him in the only notable revolutionary of that period who wasn't either 1) indifferent to religion (Villa); or 2) outright hostile to it, such as Carranza.  The views of Mexico's revolutionary leaders on this point would lead to real hostility to the nation's average citizens and to the Catholic Church, which in turn would lead to the Cristero War in the 1920s.

While an economic radical of a sort, as an agrarian and as a sort of proto distributist, he was not any sort of capitalist and therefore American politicians of the day would not have been keen on his views. Having said that, however, he was not a quasi socialist like most of the Mexican revolutionaries of the period were, and far less radical in every sense than those who came into power with Carranza.

He was also so regional, however, that he had a difficult time seeing outside the boundaries of his own state, and that in the end doomed much of his efforts.  In order to really be effective after his falling out with Modero he would have had to have been willing to play a central role in a national government, and he wasn't.  That proved to be a national tragedy.

Indeed, that tragedy strangely played itself out in a Mexican revolution that odd mirrored the Russian revolution that came a few years after the commencement of Modero's, although it never reached the genocidal level of violence and the absolute extremes that the Russian Civil War did.  Like that war, the first revolution saw a democrat take office but to fall in the face of other forces. The resulting civil war saw the more or less democratic forces at first prevail only to fall due to disunion.  Like the Russian Civil War some of the forces were really purely local, within one of the significant ones in each country being an agrarian entity. And in both nations the side that ultimately prevailed was deeply antithetical to large portions of the nation's culture and absolutely opposed, in the end, to any political competition whatsoever.