Showing posts with label 1916. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 1916. Show all posts

Sunday, March 11, 2018

Sunday Morning Scene: Churches of the West: St. Joseph's Catholic Church, Rawlins Wyoming

Churches of the West: St. Joseph's Catholic Church, Rawlins Wyoming:



This is St. Joseph's Catholic Church in Rawlins Wyoming.  This church was completed in 1916, and is probably the most prominent building in Rawlins, even taking into account that that Rawlin's Carbon County Courthouse occupied an entire city block.  St. Joseph's is visible from nearly any location in Rawlin's.

The Church is one of the most unique Catholic Churches in Wyoming, and features a copper dome.







Monday, January 22, 2018

1916: Guns On The Border

1916: Guns On The Border: A century ago, Mexican bandits were a clear and present danger to the citizens of the United States, and the 'Punitive Expedition' proved to be an important test of arms.

Wednesday, October 25, 2017

Liberty Loan Festivities, New York City, October 25, 1917

On this day in New York City festivities were held to promote the purchase of Liberty Loans.

Albert H. Wiggin, president of Chase Manhattan Bank; financier J.P. Morgan, and Walter E. Frew, president of the Corn Exchange Bank at the Liberty Loan Parade in New York City on October 25, 1917.

Dignitaries turned out in force.

Liberty Loan Committee members Thomas William Lamont, Jr.; William Woodward, president Hanover National Bank; Charles H. Sabin, president Guaranty Trust Company; Martin Vogel, assistant treasurer United States; Gates W. McGarrah, president Mechanics and Metals Bank; James S. Alexander, president National Bank of Commerce; M. Schiff of Kuhn, Loeb & Co.; Allen B. Forbes of Harris, Forbes & Co.; Seward Prosser, president Bankers' Trust Company; Albert H. Wiggins, president Chase National Bank; J.P. Morgan; ; Walter E. Frew, president Corn Exchange Bank; James N. Wallace, president Central Trust Company; Charles V. Rich, vice president National City Bank; ; Jacob H. Schiff, Kuhn, Loeb & Co. attending the Liberty Loan Parade in New York City on October 25, 1917.


A parade was held.


Exotic weapons of war were displayed.

The captured German UC-5 Type UC I minelayer submarine which was displayed as part of the Liberty Loan drive and renamed U-Buy-a-Bond.  She sank 29 ships sunk for a total of 36,288 tons in 29 patrols. On August 21, 1915 the UC-5 became the first submarine minelayer to penetrate into the English Channel, laying 12 mines off Boulogne, one of which sank the steamship William Dawson.  She ran aground while on patrol April 26, 1916 at and was scuttled but recovered by the British.





 British Mark IV Tank "Britannia" which was brought to New York City and renamed the Liberty and put on exhibit to help sell war bonds. It is currently is located at the U.S. Army Ordnance Museum at Aberdeen Proving Ground, Maryland.

Sunday, August 20, 2017

Changing times. The centennial of the 94th Aero Squadron. August 20, 1917-2017.

Pilots of the 94th, including 1LT Reed Chambers, Capt James Meissner, 1LT Eddie Rickenbacker, 1LT T C Taylor and 1LT J H Eastman, in France with a Spad XVIII.

While this blog, now that the Punitive Expedition has concluded, no longer does that many daily anniversaries (save for photographs) here's one worth noting.

On this date, in 1917, the 94th Aero Squadron, the Hat In The Ring Squadron, was formed at Kelly Airfield in San Antonio, Texas.  The squadron, now the 94th Fighter Squadron, is the second oldest formation in the United States Air Force.   The unit chose a red, white and blue top hat going through a ring as its symbol, signifying the Uncle Sam throwing his "hat in the ring" of World War One. That is, the unit symbol commemorated the United States' decision to enter the war.

The way it was at first, Curtis Jennys being used in training at Kelly Air Field.

The unit being formed might not seem particularly remarkable, but the U.S. Army. . . and all aircraft were in the Army at the time (prior to the war they were in the Signal Corps and the official establishment of a separate Air Force was decades and one major war away) had only had one single squadron, all equipped with the already obsolescent JN4, just months prior to that. As we've seen on this site before, that unit, the 1st Aero Squadron, would cut its teeth and prove its worth in Punitive Expedition of 1916, at which those Jennys constantly operated at the upper limit of their service ceiling, showing just how inadequate they really were.  Now, the Army was rapidly expanding its air arm.

The 94th in fact would make the crossing to France in October and November.  In France training continued and the unit was equipped with Nieuport 28s.  

Eddie Rickenbacker, a pre war automobile racer, with a Nieuport 28. Rickenbacker transferred into the unit in France.  He actually got into the unit by making a deal with a commanding officer for whom he was a driver, concerning an on the spot emergency repair of an automobile.

It would first see action on April 14, 1918.  It would go on from there to have a famous combat record and, of course, served to give the US some of its first pilot heroes.  While in France it would under go a degree of consolidation with the 103th Aero Squadron, although that unit would remain a a separate unit throughout the war.

Pilots of the 94th, November, 1918.

The unit continued to serve in post war Europe up until the spring of 1919, and then was returned to the United States and demobilized in June 1919 but the unit shortly continued on as a regular Army aviation unit, changing its designation to the 94th Pursuit Squadron in July 1923.  At that time, the 103d was folded into it so that the ongoing 94th would retain both units' lineages.  The unit received constant aircraft upgrades prior to World War Two, which was a feature of all air forces at the time as aviation was progressing at a blistering pace.  Prior to World War Two the unit was equipped with P-38 Lightnings.

 German aircraft shot down by Capt. E. Rickenbackerand Lt. Reed Chambers, 94th Aero Squadron, Oct. 2. 1918.

As with all other fighter squadrons in the United States Army Air Corps, the unit was re designated as a fighter squadron in 1942, during which time it served in North Africa and then later in the Mediterranean and Southern Europe, flying out of Italy.  The unit was one of the very first to receive what would become P80s, actually receiving the jets in April, 1945, and flying two missions (without encountering German aircraft) with them prior to the war's end.

It continues on in its existence to this very day, making it one of the oldest formations in the United States Air Force.  It's currently equipped with F22 Raptors.

F22s of the 94th Fighter Squadron.

Saturday, August 19, 2017

Lex Anteinternet: "The Confederate Monuments and Contemporary Strife...." Taking Down The Monuments, in Helena?

When I posted this last week I didn't think we'd see memorials coming down so fast, or maybe at all:
Lex Anteinternet: The Confederate Monuments and Contemporary Strife....:     The Virginia Memorial at Gettysburg .  This impressive memorial was only dedicated in 1917. I run more than one blog, which some ...
Well, since then they've started to.  First Baltimore, Maryland, and now Helena, Montana.

Helena Montana?

How on earth did Helena get a Confederate monument of any kind?  During the Civil War it was Indian Territory.  Fort C. F. Smith, established right after the Civil War, barely managed to survive the Hayfield Fight. What the heck?

Well, did have one. It was a fountain.  I don't know if the folks in Helena realized it or not, but it was a fountain of the horse watering type, which have featured on this blog before, and which were once fairly common all over the US.  A lot of them remain, with people in their respective towns having no idea what they were for.  Denver, for example, has one.

One local Montana resident, before it came down, expressed the same view I basically have:
“Rather than just destroy it and pretend like it never existed, we should use it as a teachable moment,” he said. “Kids should understand those things that we find so objectionable now, and the sins of the Civil War. … I don’t know how you do that without something to point to."
The fountain was commissioned by the United Daughters of the Confederacy and dedicated in 1916.
Attardo acknowledged that the fountain may have been donated as part of the UDC’s attempt to rewrite the history of the South, but she believes it should be explained instead of removed. That is why she has been working with the city for the last two years to explain the fountain’s origins through a sign that would have been placed near the monument, an idea she proposed and the city commission approved in 2015.
“I wanted people to know: Why the heck did we have a Confederate monument in our park? Who put it there? And the national significance of it was, it was actually part of a larger campaign,” she said.
A sign would have been a good approach.  Indeed, I noted that approach in my entry of a few days ago.

But how did it get there?

I've noticed a few older graves in our local cemetery where it appears the deceased had Confederate service. Quite a few more had Union service.  I suppose it must be something like that.  And Montana went through a real period of nativist anti immigrant activity about this time, mostly directed at Slavic immigrants who were well represented in the mining population. Was that related in some fashion to this?  The rise of the KKK in the early 20th Century was connected to the influx of Catholic immigrants in the nation, allowing it to spread up into the north. Montana and Colorado both had signficant Klan presence at this time.  Perhaps a teachable moment indeed.

I wonder what will become of it?

Tuesday, August 8, 2017

Today In Wyoming's History: August 8. The ongoing mystery of Pvt Dilley.

Today In Wyoming's History: August 8:

From Today In Wyoming's History for this day in 1916:

1916   The Cheyenne State Leader for August 8, 1916. The mysterious disappearance of Private Dilley 



Guardsman Pvt. Dilley mysteriously disappeared.
And he still was missing a year later.

Indeed, as we earlier noted, he never reappeared and it was widely presumed that he'd deserted.

I wonder what he was doing, assuming that to be the case, a year later.  Men his age had been required to register for the draft. "Shirkers" were being arrested.  It's hard to believe that he'd still be able to avoid service.

Did he enlist under an assumed name a year later?  Did he register but something kept him from serving? Did whatever it was about the Punitive Expedition that deterred him now seem small?

Wednesday, June 14, 2017

Flag Day. June 14 (1917 and 2017)

1917 Flag Day Poster noting the 140th anniversary of the adoption of the Stars & Stripes.

It's always on June 14.

The date commemorates the adoption of the Stars and Stripes as the on July 14, 1777 as the national standard.  The day was established as a commemorative day by proclamation of Woodrow Wilson in 1916 and then National Flag Day was proclaimed an official commemoration, but not a national holiday, by Congress in 1949.

 Woodrow Wilson delivering his 1917 Flag Day address.

Wilson used the occasion to deliver a speech:
My Fellow Citizens: We meet to celebrate Flag Day because this flag which we honour and under which we serve is the emblem of our unity, our power, our thought and purpose as a nation. It has no other character than that which we give it from generation to generation. The choices are ours. It floats in majestic silence above the hosts that execute those choices, whether in peace or in war. And yet, though silent, it speaks to us. —speaks to us of the past, * of the men and women who went before us and of the records they wrote upon it. We celebrate the day of its birth; and from its birth until now it has witnessed a great history, has floated on high the symbol of great, events, of a great plan of life worked out by a great people. We are about to carry it into battle, to lift it where it will draw the fire of our enemies. We are about to bid thousands, hundreds of thousands, it may be millions, of our men. the young, the strong, the capable men of the nation, to go forth and die beneath it on fields of blood far away, —for what? For some unaccustomed thing? For something for which it has never sought the fire before? American armies were never before sent across the seas. Why arc they sent now? For some new purpose, for which this great flag has never been carried before, or for some old. familiar, heroic purpose for which it has seen men, its own men, die on every battlefield upon which Americans have borne arms since the Revolution?

These are questions which must be answered. We are Americans. We in our turn serve America, and can serve her with no private purpose. We must use her flag as she has always used it. Wo are accountable at the bar of history and must plead in utter frankness what purpose it is we seek to serve.

It is plain enough how we were forced into the war. The extraordinary insults and aggressions of the Imperial German Government left us no self-respecting choice but to take up arms in defense of our rights as a free people and of our honour as a sovereign government. The military masters of Germany denied us the right to be neutral. They filled our unsuspecting communities with vicious spies and conspirators and sought to corrupt the opinion of our people in their own behalf. When they found that they could not do that, their agents diligently spread sedition amongst us and sought to draw our own citizens from their allegiance, —and some of those agents were men connected with the official Embassy of the German Government itself here in our own capital. They sought by violence to destroy our industries and arrest our commerce. They tried to incite Mexico to take up arms against us and to draw Japan into a hostile alliance with her, —and that, not by indirection, but by direct suggestion from the Foreign Office in Berlin. They impudently denied us the use of the high seas and repeatedly executed their threat that they would send to their death any of our people who ventured to approach the coasts of Europe. And many of our own people were corrupted. Men began to look upon their own neighbours with suspicion and to wonder in their hot resentment and surprise whether there was any community in which hostile intrigue did not lurk. What great nation in such circumstances would not have taken up arms? Much as we had desired peace, it was denied us, and not of our own choice. This flag under which we serve would have been dishonoured had we withheld our hand.

But that is only part of the story. We know now as clearly as we knew before we were ourselves engaged that we are not the enemies of the German people and that they are not our enemies. They did not originate or desire this hideous war or wish that we should be drawn into it; and we are vaguely conscious that we are fighting their cause, as they will some day see it, as well as our own. They are themselves in the grip of the same sinister power that has now at last stretched its ugly talons out and drawn blood from us. The whole world is at war because the whole world is in the grip of that power and is trying out the great battle which shall determine whether it is to be brought under its mastery or fling itself free.

The war was begun by the military masters of Germany, who proved to be also the masters of Austria-Hungary. These men have never regarded nations as peoples, men, women, and children of like blood and frame as themselves, for whom governments existed and in whom governments had their life. They have regarded them merely as serviceable organizations which they could by force or intrigue bend or corrupt to their own purpose. They have regarded the smaller states, in particular, and the peoples who could be overwhelmed by force, as their natural tools and instruments of domination. Their purpose has long been avowed. The statesmen of other nations, to whom that purpose was incredible, paid little attention; regarded what German professors expounded in their classrooms and German writers set forth to the world as the goal of German policy as rather the dream of minds detached from practical affairs, as preposterous private conceptions of German destiny, than as the actual plans of responsible rulers; but the rulers of Germany themselves knew all the while what concrete plans, what well advanced intrigues lay back of what the professors and the writers were saying, and were glad to go forward unmolested, filling the thrones of Balkan states with German princes, putting German officers at the service of Turkey to drill her armies and make interest with her government, developing plans of sedition and rebellion in India and Egypt, setting their fires in Persia. The demands made by Austria upon Servia were a mere single step in a plan which compassed Europe and Asia, from Berlin to Bagdad. They hoped those demands might not arouse Europe, but they meant to press them whether they did or not, for they thought themselves ready for the final issue of arms.

Their plan was to throw a broad belt of German military power and political control across the very centre of Europe and beyond the Mediterranean into the heart of Asia; and Austria-Hungary was to be as much their tool and pawn as Servia or Bulgaria or Turkey or the ponderous states of the East. Austria-Hungary, indeed, was to become part of the central German Empire, absorbed and dominated by the same forces and influences that had originally cemented the German states themselves. The dream had its heart at Berlin. It could have had a heart nowhere else! It rejected the idea of solidarity of race entirely. The choice of peoples played no part in it at all. It contemplated binding together racial and political units which could be kept together only by force, —Czechs, Magyars. Croats, Serbs, Roumanians, Turks, Armenians, —the proud states of Bohemia and Hungary, the stout little commonwealths of the Balkans, the indomitable Turks, the subtile peoples of the East These peoples did not wish to be united. They ardently desired to direct their own affairs, would be satisfied only by undisputed independence. They could be kept quiet only by the presence or the constant threat of armed men. They would live under a common power only by sheer compulsion and await the day of revolution. But the German military statesmen had reckoned with all that and were ready to deal with it in their own way.

And they have actually carried the greater part of that amazing plan into execution! Look how things stand. Austria is at their mercy. It has acted, not upon its own initiative or upon the choice of its own people, but at Berlin's dictation ever since the war began. Its people now desire peace, but cannot have it until leave is granted from Berlin. The so-called Central Powers are in fact but a single Power. Servia is at its mercy, should its hands be but for a moment freed. Bulgaria has consented to its will, and Roumania is overrun. The Turkish armies, which Germans trained, are serving Germany, certainly not themselves, and the guns of German warships lying in the harbour at Constantinople remind Turkish statesmen every day that they have no choice but to take their orders from Berlin. From Hamburg to the Persian Gulf the net is spread.

Is it not easy to understand the eagerness for peace that has been manifested from Berlin ever since the snare was set and sprung? Peace. peace, peace has been the talk of her Foreign Office for now a year and more; not peace upon her own initiative, but upon the initiative of the nations over which she now deems herself to hold the advantage. A little of the talk has been public, but most of it has been private. Through all sorts of channels it has come to me, and in all sorts of guises, but never with the terms disclosed which the German Government would be willing to accept. That government has other valuable pawns in its hands besides those I have mentioned. It still holds a valuable part of France, though with slowly relaxing grasp, and practically the whole of Belgium. Its armies press close upon Russia and overrun Poland at their will. It cannot go further; it dare not go back. It wishes to close its bargain before it is too late and it has little left to offer for the pound of flesh it will demand.

The military masters under whom Germany is bleeding see very clearly to what point Fate has brought them. If they fall back or are forced back an inch, their power both abroad and at home will fall to pieces like a house of cards. It is their power at home they are thinking about now more than their power abroad. It is that power which is trembling under their very feet: and deep fear has entered their hearts. They have but one chance to perpetuate their military power or even their controlling political influence. If they can secure peace now with the immense advantages still in their hands which they have up to this point apparently gained, they will have justified themselves before the German people: they will have gained by force what they promised to gain by it: an immense expansion of German power, an immense enlargement of German industrial and commercial opportunities. Their prestige will be secure, and with their prestige their political power. If they fail, their people will thrust them aside; a government accountable to the people themselves will be set op in Germany as it has been in England, in the United States, in France, and in all the great countries of the modern time except. Germany. If they succeed they are safe and Germany and the world are undone: if they fail Germany is saved and the world will be at peace. If they succeed, America will fall within the menace. We and all the rest of the world must remain armed, as they will remain, and must make ready for the next step in their aggression: if they fail, the world may unite for peace and Germany may be of the union.

Do you not now understand the new intrigue, the intrigue for peace, and why the masters of Germany do not hesitate to use any agency that promises to effect their purpose, the deceit of the nations? Their present particular aim is to deceive all those who throughout the world stand for the rights of peoples and the self-government of nations; for they see what immense strength the forces of justice and of liberalism are gathering out of this war. They are employing liberals in their enterprise. They are using men, in Germany and without, as their spokesmen whom they have hitherto despised and oppressed, using them for their own destruction, —socialists, the leaders of labour, the thinkers they have hitherto sought to silence. Get them once succeed and these men, now their tools, will be ground to powder beneath the weight of the great military empire they will have set up; the revolutionists in Russia will be cut off from all succour or cooperation in western Europe and a counter revolution fostered and supported; Germany herself will lose her chance of freedom; and all Europe will arm for the next, the final struggle.

The sinister intrigue is being no less actively conducted in this country than in Russia and in every country in Europe to which the agents and dupes of the Imperial German Government can get access. That government has many spokesmen here, in places high and low. They have learned discretion. They keep within the law. It is opinion they utter now, not sedition. They proclaim the liberal purposes of their masters: declare this a foreign war which can touch America with no danger to either her lands or her institutions; set England at the centre of the stage and talk of her ambition to assert economic dominion throughout the world; appeal to our ancient tradition of isolation in the politics of the nations; and seek to undermine the government with false professions of loyalty to its principles.

But they will make no headway. The false betray themselves always in every accent. It is only friends and partisans of the German Government whom we have already identified who utter these thinly disguised disloyalties. The facts are patent to all the world, and nowhere are they more plainly seen than in the United States, where we are accustomed to deal with facts and not with sophistries; and the great fact that stands out above all the rest is that this is a Peoples' War, a war for freedom and justice and self-government amongst all the nations of the world, a war to make the world safe for the peoples who live upon it and have made it their own, the German people themselves included; and that with us rests the choice to break through all these hypocrisies and patent cheats and masks of brute force and help set the world free, or else stand aside and let it be dominated a long age through by sheer weight, of arms and the arbitrary choices of self-constituted masters, by the nation which can maintain the biggest armies and the most irresistible armaments, —a power to which the world has afforded no parallel and in the face of which political freedom must wither and perish.

For us there is but one choice. We have made it. Woe be to the man or group of men that seeks to stand in our way in this day of high resolution when every principle we hold dearest is to be vindicated and made secure for the salvation of the nations. We are ready to plead at the bar of history, and our flag shall wear a new lustre. Once more we shall make good with our lives and fortunes the great faith to which we were born, and a new glory shall shine in the face of our people.
Not surprisingly, the speech featured the crisis of the hour, World War One, which the US had of course just entered.
It is coincidentally the birthday of the United States Army as well, which was created by Act of Congress on June 14, 1775 in a fashion on that date.  The act actually authorized the enlistment of ten companies riflemen in Continental service for a period of one year.  It seems at the time that expansion of a Continental Army was contemplated at the time and positions associated with it began to appear within days of the June 14 original authorization date.

Related Posts:  June 14 on This Day In Wyoming's History, which features some similar items on this day.

Sunday, February 19, 2017

Today In Wyoming's History: February 19, 1917. Wyoming State Highway Commission Created

Today In Wyoming's History: February 19: 1917  The State Highway Commission was created by the signature of the Governor Kendrick, in his last day in office, approving it.

It's odd to think of Wyoming lacking a Highway Department but up until this date in 1917, it did.  That was common at the time as most vehicular transportation remained strictly local.  However, that would begin to change with the Federal Aid Road Act of 1916, which provided funds, for the first time, to state highway departments in one of the "progressive" policies of the Wilson Administration.

The activities of the Commission would be modest but growing throughout its early years.  Limited winter plowing commenced in 1923 and then it began in earnest in 1929.  In 1991 the highway department became the Wyoming Department of Transportation, which it remains.

 

Tuesday, February 14, 2017

Major Leroy Eltinge delivered a speech on the use of cavalry.

Major Leroy Eltinge delivered a speech on the use of cavalry on this day, in 1917.



Major Eltinge had commanded an element of the 8th Cavalry in Mexico, so this speech was delivered hard on the heels of his recent experiences.  He was a career Army officer, in the service since 1896 who would go on to rise to the brevet rank of Brigadier General as Deputy Chief of Staff of the AEF during World War One before reverting to his permanent rank of Major following the war.  He'd re-obtain the rank of Brigadier General in 1924 and died while still a serving officer during World War Two.

A ship that served in World War Two was named in his honor.


Tuesday, February 7, 2017

And so it ended. The Punitive Expedition.

Two days ago we reported on the last US soldier leaving Mexico:

The Punitivie Expedition: U.S. complete its withdrawal from Mexico. February 5, 1917.


The smile on the soldier to the left's face was likely quite genuine.  The 6th and the 16th Infantry crossing back into the United States.

And today is the official end of the Punitive Expedition into Mexico by some accounts.  Why the extra two days?  Well, I'm not sure, but no military operation ever concludes on a precise time.  It seems to me that at one time I had the information on this, but I'm no longer exactly sure what the story was. What I do recall is that most of the troops were over the border well before February 7, and what I think is actually the case, as already noted, is that the last were over the border on February 5, but there was some trailing involvement and actions in regards to the expedition for anot her two days.  We'd expect that.

Which, as already also has been noted, didn't mean that everything just returned to normal, officially or unofficially.  A heavy military presence remained on the border for years, and certainly in 1917 there were real fears about a resumption of Mexican military activity, likely rebel activity, in the United States. The upcoming revelation of the contents of the Zimmerman Note, of course, would make those fears a bit more intense, even as the United States was already using reservist for anti sabotage efforts on the East Coast, with the suspected feared enemy agents being German.

The military itself would officially run the campaign, as it calculated it, from January 1, 1916 to April 6, 1917, concluding it, for purposes of eligibiltiy for hte Mexican Border Service Medal, on the date the United States entered World War One.

Mexican Border Service Medal, courtesy of Wikipedia Commons.

Even at that, however, an ongoing campaign was recognized officially in the form of the Texas Cavalry Medal, honoring two brigades of Texas State Guardsmen who remained in the United States to patrol the border throughout World War One.  

Texas Cavalry Medal.

The men who served in those brigades were otherwise ineligible for the World War One Victory Medal, under the relatively strict criteria for that award, and hence their service to the country was recognized in this fashion for their service from December 8, 1917 to November 11, 1918, the period during which it was determined to leave those units on the border.  The award is unique, being the only one every authorized which was unit specific.

So, while our story hasn't ended, it's certainly taken a turn, and started to wrap up a bit.

How did we do?

Sunday, February 5, 2017

The Punitivie Expedition: U.S. complete its withdrawal from Mexico. February 5, 1917.


The smile on the soldier to the left's face was likely quite genuine.  The 6th and the 16th Infantry crossing back into the United States.

U.S forces complete their withdrawal from Mexico.  The Punitive Expedition was over, although the official end would come two days later, on February 7.


And it happened, in terms of military withdrawals, in record time.  The US had been deep into Mexico just a week prior.  Now, it was out.


Note, there were big headlines going in, coming out was still on the front page, but not nearly as big in the headlines. 

Was it a success?

Not in terms of its expressed aims.  Pancho Villa remained not only at large, but resurgent. Commanding a handful of men the prior year when he raided Columbus New Mexico in a reprisal for Woodrow Wilson granting Constitutionalist troops transit across southern Texas to attack him, he now had many more men and had resumed being an effective commander in the field.  His forces had resumed combat in Chihuahua with some success and it was far from certain that the Constitutionalist, who ratified the new Mexican Constitution on this very day, would defeat him, let alone defeat him and Emiliano Zapata who was fighting in the south.

Nor was it a success in terms of our relationship with Mexico, although that was strained beforehand.

American relations with Mexico had been very poor throughout the Mexican Revolution, in no small part because the United States had failed to reign in its diplomatic representation in Mexico after Modero had taken power, which helped lead to his being overthrown in a  coup by Huerta.  Modero would have been a seemingly natural ally to the United States but American representation in Mexico City failed to appreciate that and actually felt the opposite way, which was assessed to be the case by the Mexican military.  That helped lead to Modero's overthrow and death, and in turn that helped lead to the ongoing Mexican Revolution and American intervention in Mexico, although the naive Modero was complicit in his own demise in that he left the defeated professional Mexican army, including its officer crops,  intact.  Modero hadn't won the allegiance of the Mexican federal army, he'd defeated, with the likes of men like the radical Carranza, the populist Villa and the agrarian Zapata, amongst many others.

Those men wouldn't stand by and allow Gen. Huerta to impose a military dictatorship on Mexico, but that doesn't mean that they agreed with one another on the future course of Mexico either. And, ironically, in spite of being complicit in Modero's overthrow, the Untied States wasn't keen on Huerta either and took action to prevent his being supplied as he fought against his numerous opponents. That did not engender love for the United States amongst all of them, however.

The blundering that got rolling early on continued under Wilson who favored Carranza, after the defeat of Huerta and rebellion of Villa and Zapata, even though Carranza never liked the United States.  Granting railroad transit across Texas so that Constitutionalist forces could attack Villa was a huge and odd mistake that lead directly to the raid at Columbus.  Committing American forces to Mexico was perhaps then inevitable, but no Mexican leader could be seen to be supporting an American presence in Mexico and Carranza genuinely disliked the US.  Villa, who had lived in the US, ironically likely did not have any strong dislike for us, but he did dislike Wilson's role in nearly leading to his defeat and his odd and mercurial personality did not cause him to recoil from being responsible for the death of foreigners.  At any rate, American intervention in Mexico in pursuit of Villa nearly lead to a war between the Constitutionalist and the United States even though the Constitutionalist had not been able to fully defeat Villa and Zapata and were then engaged in war against them.  After war nearly broke out, it was only avoided by the United States ceasing to advance further into Mexico and cooler heads on both sides avoiding outright hostilities against one another.

Mexican American relations would be forever changed and stressed.  The United States regarded Mexico as a potential adversary as late as early World War Two, and not without good reasons as the Mexican government was heavily leftist and not democratic. The new radical Mexican governments took to oppressing sections of the Mexican population and they, and we use the plural advisedly, flirted with the extreme left periodically.  It was not by accident that when Stalin's assassins tracked Trotsky down, they found him in Mexico.

Those facts would lead to ongoing war in Mexico for years as various Mexican movements attempted to overthrow the Mexican government, all without success.

Which is not to say that the central players in Mexico had happy ends themselves.

Zapata was assassinated by the Mexican government, still under arms and having never surrendered, in 1919, bringing to a close his agrarian movement until modern times, when Zapataistas revived in Mexico on his old domain. 

 Zapata in 1915

Flag of the Zapatista Army of Liberation, a Mexican movement inspired by the legacy of Emiliano Zapata.

Carranza, whom we have dealt with at length, was overthrown by Alvaro Obregon, his most successful general, in 1920.

 Alvaro Obregon.

Obregon had served Carranza well, after having missed the initial stages of the revolution, but he grew into a political adversary starting in the very period we're discussing.  Carranza never favored the radical turn the Mexican Constitution took in 1917, favoring instead a preservation of the 1857 constitution.  Obregon was a full radical.  After that, he went into retirement, but in 1920 he through his considerable weight behind a revolution against Carranza, which succeeded.  In May 1920 Carranza himself died in an ambush, a victim of ongoing Mexican revolution.

Obregon then lead the country for a while and then stepped down upon the election of Plutarco Elías Calles.  However, during Obregon's administration the Mexican government, which had already become hostile to religion with the 1917 Constitution, adopted on this same day (see earlier post) started to become more repressive of the Catholic Church.  Calles would accelerate this which would lead to the Cristero War, which the Mexican government put down.  After that, Obregon ran for the presidency of Mexico again, in 1928, but was assassinated very soon after taking office by José de León, a Mexican who had sympathies toward the Cristeros.

Villa as he's commonly remembered.

Villa, upon whom our story has been focused, remained in rebellion until Carranza was assassinated.  Following that, he was able to negotiate peace with the Mexican government.  He then went into retirement on a hacienda that was provided to him in Chihuahua and was even allowed to retain a small private army made up of his loyalist.  This would ultimatley not save him, however, as he was assassinated in 1923 in Parral.  The assault on Villa was obviously well planned and its never been proven who did it but suspicion is strong that the act at least had the tacit approval of the Mexican government as Villa was making sounds of running for the presidency.

The revolution consumed itself even while becoming "institutionalized"     The victors may have called themselves "constitutionalist", but in practice power often changed hands with those hands being bloody.  By any objective standard, the Mexican Revolution itself would become a failure.  Ironically, perhaps, the American support of Carranza, which had never been appreciated by Carranza, was a small aid in bringing to power a force that would have little respect for democracy.  Mexico would not overcome this for decades.

With the U.S. Army came hundreds of refugees.  Some, like the residents of Colonia Dublan, had strong roots in the United States and feared living under Villa's forces for good reasons.  Many, however, were Mexicans who feared the fate of Chihuahua under a resurgent Villa.  Again, ironically, the United States would be reforming its immigration laws on this very day, creating real border controls on the southern border for the very first time.

Mexican refugees crossing into the United States in 1915.

That border itself would be hostile to a degree at least until the 1940s.  During World War One the United States was compelled to guard the border militarily; stationing cavalry regiments all along the border.  Pershing had wanted American cavalry in France to serve in the AEF, which shipping restrictions prevented, but that did not mean that the cavalry was idle during the Great War.  A shortage of available manpower along the border during the same period required Texas to deploy its State Guard, a militia separate and apart from the Federalized National Guard, made up of men who were ineligible to serve in World War One due to age, situation or ailments.  The Army would continue to patrol the border to some extent all the way into the 1940s.  Indeed, the border situation would see some violence all the way through the Great War and after, with occasional U.S. small interventions lasting all the way through the teens and into the early 1920s.

1917 vintage recruiting poster aimed at border service.

All of which is not to say that there were not some small, but significant, successes associated with the Punitive Expedition.  For one thing, crossing into Mexico in 1916 was likely simply inevitable. The raid on Columbus could not be ignored.  Irrespective of Carranza's refusal to sanction it, moreover, the United States, which had a very small military establishment, had shown that it could rapidly mobilize an effective field force any time it wanted to.  It was not that Mexico was a military threat to the United States, but Mexican forces that may have thought the US could be ignored no longer thought that.  Mexico was not an unarmed nation by any means and the United States during peacetime relied upon an Army made up of a small professional corps and a large amateur militia.  It had shown that its system was sufficient such that it was able to rapidly mobilize both.

The expedition itself, moreover, was the first large assembly of American arms since the Spanish American War. The mobilization had shown what, and who, worked well and what, and who, did not.  While it can't really be regarded as a "success" per se, this would prove to be hugely important almost immediately in 1917 as it became obvious the United States was headed toward entering the enormous First World War.  An entire series of weapons were experimented with, many of which were new. The National Guard had been mobilized and much of it remained under arms.  The Punitive Expedition into Mexico likely shortened American mobilization in 1917 by months and lead to it being clear that John J. Pershing could command the American Expeditionary Force that would come into existence.

So how have we done reporting on the Punitive Expedition in "real time", and in general?  Let us know. We're only somewhat satisfied with our effort, which of course was an effort to learn as well.  There were a lot of things we wanted to report on and missed. Some we may still, and some we likely won't.

As this entire blog is a sort of research platform for a book, we may continue to do a little real time as well, but most likely not like we were.  We aren't, for example, going to report on the US in World War One the way we have on the Punitive Expedition, as that's more or less outside of our focus.  But we will a little, and of course we'll continue to focus on this era, at least until we get our book written. . . which is taking forever.


Friday, January 27, 2017

The Punitive Expedtion: The withdrawal commences. January 27, 1917.

U.S. forces begin their withdrawal from Mexico., thereby starting the process of leaving the country that they first entered in March, 1916.

While I've already commented on the decision to withdraw in an earlier post, and while it doesn't square with the general commentary regarding the U.S. decision to withdraw, positing this in Century Delayed Real Time has made me wonder what the sense of the event was in 1917.  Perhaps the rising specter of American involvement in the Great War greatly overshadowed to the extent it was largely consumed by that, but the news of the past week, with American National Guardsmen engaging Constitutionalist troops in combat on the border (and as we will see, the Utah National Guard actually crossing into Mexico, as well as upcoming events in the next few days, give this story a real Fall of Saigon retrospective feel to it.  It really has the aura, looking back, of collapse.  But perhaps not at the time?

Tuesday, January 24, 2017

The Delivery Boys

 Small boy, big bucket.  Delivery scenes from this day, in 1917, in Boston.

Frank Hastings, 14 years old.

Louis A. Caulfield, age 16, typewriter.

 Delivery boys hitching a ride.



Monday, January 23, 2017

The Child Newsies

Morrison Foster, 12 years old.

Boston newsies, four of whom were under 11 years of age when this photo was taken.

Newsie, age 11.

January 23, 1917.

The Messengers

G. Leary, age 14.  $5.00 per week wages, $2.50 per week tips.

 Edward Williams, $5.00 a week.  No uniform.  Note the classic working man's newsboy cap.


Joseph Amico, 14 years old, $5.00 per week, deliverer of shoes.

January 23, 1917.