Showing posts with label 2018 Election. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 2018 Election. Show all posts

Saturday, September 26, 2020

Pendley Ousted

On Saturday's, among other things, I try to post stuff outdoorsy.

Ideally, try to go do something outdoorsy, but due to one thing or another, I don't always manage that.  Anyhow, given that it is a Saturday, this story, which is just breaking, is sort of fitting.


Followers of the Trump Administration who really look at it,  not just the superficial top of the news cycle stuff, tend to find that its difficult to reconcile the headlines with actions in any one area, and indeed, the Administration is quite balkanized in regard to anyone topic.  Followers of the Supreme Court, for example, have to be impressed by the line of judges appointed by the Trump Administration even if they're in the camp that's shrill about the the appointments for ideological reasons.  Indeed, overall the Administration has been amazingly efficient at appointing judges, and quality judges at that.

Businessmen I know have tended to be impressed by the roll back in regulations, something perhaps no other administration has been able to do to the same degree.  Followers of Middle East diplomacy have been impressed by matters involving Israel while simultaneously baffled by the US's relationship with Russia and Turkey.  Those following the pandemic have tended to be angered by the lack of a seeming theme to the national approach to that, something that the President is likely to pay for in November.

All this stands aside and apart from simply reacting to Trump and his statements, in any form, themselves.

One area in which conservationist could generally take heart is that his appointments in regard to public lands have been good. They've kept the lands in Federal hands, which means keeping them open to the public, something that has gone in opposition to the expressed desires of regional politicians even though it matters enormously to the region's residents.

And then there was the appointment of William Perry Pendley.

William Perry Pendley

Pendley is a University of Wyoming College of Law graduate who has made a career that's been, in at least some instances, hostile to public lands agencies and who has associated with wanting them to be transferred to the states, something strongly opposed by the region's residents.  When he was appointed regional residents concerned with this issue gasped.*  Pendley insisted that as head of the agency he would represent the views of the Administration, which have not supported such a transfer, but area residents never felt easy about his appointment.

Apparently the Senate didn't either, probably reflecting the views of area residents as well as national views, as they didn't confirm Pendley.  He remained in as a temporary head but this lead to a suit by Montana's Governor, Steve Bullock, a Democrat who is currently running for the Senate.  Bullock is challenging incumbent Steve Daines.  Even though outsiders frequently confuse Montana and Wyoming, their politics are radically different and the Democratic Party has remained viable in Montana, whereas its on life support in Wyoming.

Steve Daines

Pendley's appointment was in fact hurting Daines who is struggling to retain his seat against Bullock, who started off the election season attempting to run for the Oval Office. Bullock's effort there fell flat, but it hasn't against Daines.

Montana's politics remain much more centrist than Wyoming's and may be described as center left, something that's been attributed to immigration into the state but which in fact has always characterized its politics.  Montana sent Jeanette Ranking to the Senate twice, giving Montana the unique status of having the nation's only Senator to vote "No" to entering World War One and World War Two.  Montana's rank and file out in the sticks voters tend to have the same "I don't care what you do as long as you leave me alone" view that Wyoming's native voters do as well, which actually favors the center left if the parties are listening, as long as those candidates are opposed to gun control.  They also need to be strongly in favor of public lands.  Outsiders describe Montana as "deep Red", but they're wrong.

Daines is in real trouble and has recently been attempting to boost his outdoor creds in legislation, but more than one Montana news outlet isn't buying it.  Pendley's presence wasn't helping and back in August President Trump withdrew his nomination in an effort to help Daines get reelected.

And Cory Gardner.

Cory Gardner.

Gardner is a Senator from Colorado who is in huge trouble.  The one term Senator is behind former Colorado Governor John Hickenlooper in the polls.  Colorado hasn't been reliably Republican, in spite of what the press says, for a long time, and while there's a ways to go and the race is close, Gardner is likely to go down in defeat.

The Federal Court ruling last week that Pendley had to go, ousting him, gives Bullock a victory. So the irony is that while Trump moved to replace Pendley to help Gardner and Daines, it likely places Bullock a bit up in a race in which he very well might be part of a Democratic wave that flips the Senate and which Gardner appears likely to lose.  Holding on to the public lands, in Federal hands, is a big deal in Montana, like Wyoming, and while Bullock holds center left views on many things, on the regional core issues, like gun control, he's right of center.

The Department of the Interior expressed "outrage" and promised to appeal immediately.  Be that as it may, it appears Pendley's days are up and there's no earthly way that an appeals court will handle this by the election.  Chances are it'll stay the order, but that can't be guaranteed.

And there's a lesson here even in Wyoming, where there's been no reversal of opinions on the administration.  Pendley's appointment caused stress here among public lands users and it can't be said that the nomination was popular.  The GOP has been slipping into internecine conflict in a way that's breaking open in the public, and the Democratic Party is fielding, for the first time in years, candidates for the Senate and House which, while they won't win, can't be simply dismissed.  The Trump administration dropped the ball on this one by nominating Pendley in the first place as he could only engender animosity and those whose views he championed didn't need a champion in the first place.  Indeed, their keeping views a bit quiet would have been a better approach.  Failing to pick up that fumbled ball left it in play, and now the Democrats have successfully picked it up.

Not that the Administration can be fully blamed.  Wyoming's senior political leadership at the national level has taken a position that's the opposite of the public's wishes here and an active element of the local GOP has as well.  When this breaks out in the legislature it provokes massive reaction from locals, but at a national level, that probably wasn't obvious.  It probably won't become obvious until local politicians start to pay the price. They already are, in fact, but it's not apparent for some reason. Hard right GOP candidates didn't win the state house in the 2018 Gubernatorial election here and concern over issues like this is part of the reason why.  Now Daines and Gardner appear set to pay the price in November.  Jason Chaffetz already paid the price in Utah, leaving office without running for election in 2018.

__________________________________________________________________________________

*Pendley's also another strange example of the Boomers retention of power.  He's currently 75 years old

Thursday, July 25, 2019

Dissension in the local GOP

There's been some real movement inside the GOP itself in the state here that could have a major impact. And it's causing quite a rift in the party.

The party's Central Committee has been meeting and it proposed a new method of selecting the party's national delegates that would weight the votes of the smaller, less populated counties.  Those counties are seen (although not entirely accurately) as considerably more conservative, and frankly considerably more in the tea party camp, than the more populated counties like Natrona and Laramie Counties.

This was received poorly, to say the least, by the larger counties and indeed, the dissension became blisteringly open when a Laramie County delegate opened the story up to the public through a Laramie County blog, starting off with:

Beware of corruption at the Wyoming GOP

BY DANI OLSEN
Republicans, this is my call for you to open your eyes to what is happening behind closed doors in the Wyoming Republican Party’s State Central Committee. 
I recently was elected as chairwoman of the Laramie County Republican Party. The chairperson is one of the three representatives of each county that becomes a member of the State Central Committee – the governing body of the State Party. 
Having filled in as a proxy for the previous county chairman at previous State Central Committee meetings, I am not new to the process and the going-ons of the State Central Committee. 
But, the special election meeting that was held in June left me feeling disgusted at the over-assertion of power that certain members of the State Central Committee believe they have. And I feel as the chairwoman of Laramie County that I owe it to the Republicans I represent in my county – heck, to all Republicans in the state – to be the whistleblower on what I can only describe as closed-door political corruption.

Wow, an internecine dispute in which a committee member is accusing others of corruption is a pretty serious rift.  And she goes on from there, stating:

Now, back to my whistleblowing. The State Central Committee has long been controlled by a few members who do not represent Wyoming Republicans and who have long surpassed what most would view as a conservative length of service on the State Central Committee. 
This group of individuals has an agenda it wishes to press that goes far outside of the Republican Party’s platform. You know who I am talking about. They have grown to adopt an “if you do not agree with me, you are not welcome in the party” mentality even if the issue you disagree with is not in the Republican platform.

You can link in to read the rest of that item if you wish to.

I don't know a thing about that blog or the person who wrote the article, but frankly that there's a rift in the GOP is rather obviously clear and was plain in the 2018 election.  In that election, tea party elements and very hard right elements came to view the nominated Governor as some sort of unfairly nominated usurper, and were open about stating that.  And prior to that, under Governor Mead's last term, there was a big rift between these elements and the Governor's office and more traditional Republicans.

It apparently doesn't stop there, as in today's Tribune the Natrona County delegates released a statement openly noting that they opposed the delegate change and went on to further note that the Central Committee vetted a proposal to score legislative votes with an eye towards declaring certain Republicans not to be Republicans if they voted to frequently in a manner contrary to the platform.

This is all a serious development and one that the state's GOP had better be very careful with.  The GOP in Wyoming has been the absolutely dominant political party since the Clinton years, when the local Democratic Party simply collapsed.  Since that time, the Democrats have not been able to muster any sort of serious reappearance in no small part as those remaining highly active are so far to the left of the average Wyomingite that they tend not to reflect anything but themselves. But a residual mainstream group of Democrats remain, something that the hard right Republicans are convinced caused Gordon to be nominated due to registration crossing over (which UW has proven to be statistically false) and if the GOP takes steps to drive its elected officials away, there's an obvious place for them to cross into.

Indeed, the GOP Central Committee may well want to recall that a selection of their influential legislators since the Clinton years were in fact former Democrats.  And they may also wish to recall if a majority of counties chose not to go with the harder right candidates in 2018, they may start to wonder off from the GOP entirely if it weights certain views in a non democratic manner.  A rift sufficiently serious that delegates from the state's two most populous counties are complaining about the Central Committee is a pretty serious rift.

As we so often post on the first couple of decades of the 20th Century, we'd pause here to take one big historical diversion to note an analogy.  What the Central Committee did in terms of delegate selection is how the pre World War One German Reichstag operated for parliamentary seats and is why that body is disregarded as being democratic in spite of a wide franchise.  German aristocracy has arranged for that as it assured continued support for an institution that didn't have popular support.  And that arrangement helped fuel the violent extremism that came to a head in 1918 and which gave the world horrific results by 1932.

Not that we're going to have revolution in the streets by any means. . .but putting aside a more democratic process for a less democratic one, and then threatening to declare who can, and can't be a Republican not only has constitutional implications, its not politically wise.




Thursday, February 21, 2019

Mueller Musings

On the television news today there was a report that special investigative attorney Mueller's report "may be released in a matter of days."

On the internet news the headline is that "Bombshell Mueller report may never be fully released.

I guess I should withhold judgement until whatever happens, if it happens, happens, but at this point a couple of comments:

1.  After all of this lead up, the entire freaking report should be released in full no matter what.

It should be released as putting the country through all of this and then just teasing the public with whatever it says would be cruel and stupid.  Cruel for obvious reasons, and stupid for the well known evidence of history that even pretending something is withheld leads to endless speculation.  Some are still speculating on the Kennedy assassination, for goodness sakes.  When I was a kid, a few still were speculating on the Lincoln murder.

And I don't care if its devastating to anyone.  The result of failing to disclose what was known about one person or another has given us entirely false histories on some thing, the internal history of the United States and the United Kingdom during the Cold War for one.   Were you aware that one of the leaders of the British Labor Party was known to have been a KGB informant until 1968 (this was learned after 1968) but British intelligence chose to keep it to themselves until fairly recently?  They shouldn't have.  Even now its denied, a la Alger Hiss style.

2.  I don't care if Mueller is the greatest lawyer on earth, this investigation is a good example of why you don't give special attorney generals open ended commissions or assign projects to lawyers who are 74 years old.  Commissions of this type should have a reasonable time limit to them in which they expire absent an extension so that the people assigned to them don't take two years to get a single investigation completed, if not longer than that.  If that's too much for the person assigned, it should go to somebody who can get it done.  If its too complicated to get done, as it turns out, report on that and why.  If commissions of the type issued by the United States were issued in ancient Rome, the report of the special investigator looking into the murder of Julius Caesar would be coming out "soon".

By saying all of this I'm not commenting on the quality of the investigation or its results.  It may be great work.  But if its work that would require or even suggest requiring impeachment, it's taken so long that the work will have been nearly completely pointless in this term (although it would certainly have some impact on a campaign for reelection) and even if Congress got rolling on that it would be literally all they would do for the next two years.  If it doesn't suggest that, whatever it has suggested, and its lead to an impressive number of indictments so far, its taken far too long to get there and its added endlessly to news cycle drama that's been dramatic enough as it was.

Sunday, January 13, 2019

We're really conservative except when we're not. The thorny problem of applying principles even when you do not wish to.

In our recent Gubernatorial election, some candidates from the hard right complained that a couple of candidates who were on the right, but not as right as they were, weren't really conservative.

The criticism took various forms. "T. Rex" Rammel, exploring the questionable wisdom of giving himself a nickname taken from a long extinct big lizard of a class which has come to be a shorthand for being way behind your times, claimed that he was the only real conservative and that if not elected the state would go blue, by which he meant red, or pink. . . or liberal or something.  Foster Friess, on the other hand, proclaimed he was a buddy of Trumps and a true conservative, running a campaign that appeared to be for the Governorship of Alabama rather than of Wyoming.

When he did not, to his apparent surprise, secure the nomination the normally jovial Friess groused that the vast hordes of Wyoming Democrats, released from their secret hideaways on Mt. Suribachi (oh wait, that would have been Japanese infantry during World War Two. . . well anyway) came down from the hills and, screaming "Obama!" perverted the process and secured the nomination of Gordon.  There was some talk of "fixing" the election system to keep out the undesirables from the primary system and indeed there's a bill, which is unlikely to prevail, in the legislature with that goal right now.

Anyhow, a cornerstone of recent really right wing thought in the state has been "local control".  Local control of everything.  The more local the better.

Except, apparently, when that local control turns out to be. . . not so conservative or at least not accommodating to a conservative's efforts.

Now, I am in favor of local control of many things.  I'm not arguing against it as a general principle.  But I do feel that, unless you have really good reasons, a principle should be applied even when you don't like the results if its a real principle.  That's what makes it a principle.

That is, you can't support democracy and then complain that the wrong people showed up to vote and should have been kept out.

And you can't be all in favor of local control of schools and then beef when that local control doesn't go your way due to a local board.

And that's what's occurring, and as a result there's a bill in the legislature to dope slap the Teton County Board of Commissioners, although its a bill with general application, not specifically directed at Teton County.  Indeed, it's sponsors no doubt do not see it that way at all.

Teton County is a weird Wyoming county anyway you look at it and it always has been.  One of the last counties of the state to be settled in the state it was originally homesteaded by ranchers who had missed out on everything else as its ranching conditions are horrible.  That made the area a backwater until after World War Two when it was rescued from that status (with the use of the work "rescue" being questionable, by the snowplows of the Wyoming Highway Department.  As late as 1956 author and screen writer Donald Hough could write in jest about his adopted hometown due to its seasonal isolation.

That isolation no longer exists.

It didn't happen overnight but it nearly did. Elements of the old Jackson Hole remained until the 1970s but after that it became a sad playground for the super rich and a tourist destination.  When the super rich show up in small numbers they operate as an advanced party for their own and ultimately the uber rich, which tends to destroy the charm of a place.  That happened in my unadulterated view to Jackson, the seat of Teton County, and the primary town in Jackson's Hole.

As this occurred, the politics in the formerly isolated ranching enclave changed to where it went from being a conservative county to being a quite liberal one, by Wyoming standards.  The Democrats do well in Teton County and in recent years the county has gone from supplying some notable Republican candidates to supplying some notable Democrats.  It still has its conservatives, to be sure, but it isn't like other Wyoming counties.

One of the things that occurred to the county is that at some point it became concerned about its appearance.  And when it did that it put in a set of restrictions on how things could look.

And this takes us back to Friess.

As far back as about 2013 the Friess family founded a school in Wilson.  When they did, it was permitted as a day care.  This drew the ire of some residents who pointed out that schools, which in that case was a preschool, and day cares aren't the same thing.  Since then, Friess has gone on to propose a Jackson Hole Classical Academy.

Now, this may seem like an odd thing for conservative politician and displaced Wisconsinite Friess to be in, but education has been a huge deal on the conservative wheelhouse recently, just as it once was for liberals (and may still be).  Education seems to be a bit of a battleground between the right and the left and perhaps that's not surprising, as the ideas and concepts people pick up in school form them as citizens later on.  That's been well known forever.

Or maybe it is surprising to a degree.  The United States, in spite of complaints to the contrary in recent decades, has traditionally had a very good education system.  I've dealt with this before in our posts about high schools and education, but the US saw, in the 20th Century, a great rise in general public education featuring public schools that went into high schools.  High schools weren't and aren't universities of course, but this was a real advance in education and people who general compare it to the systems of other countries will find that the American system compares very well.  Or at least it did for the most part.

Arguably, at least it did until perhaps the 1970s, and then something did seemingly start to go wrong.  Defining that is difficult and probably not only difficult, but subject to a lot of error.  But putting it in context there was a huge emphasis on education for most of the 20th Century and, during the Cold War, that became all the more serious.

At the same time, it was undeniable that education was also unequal.  Education in the U.S. has always been in the hands of the states and most states delegate that to local boards.  That generally has served the nation very well, but where it broke down was in the parts of the United States that were segregated.  In those areas, economic resources invariably went to the demographics that were in the majority and better off economically, with the contrasting result that schools which were delegated to minorities, and by that we mean usually African Americans, were poorly funded. The education was unequal.  Starting in the 1950s, the United States Supreme Court started to take steps to correct that.

Unfortunately, in some areas that resulted in white flight from districts which left the wealthier population also disinterested in the schools they left behind.  This had a domino effect on some school districts, and taking that story forward to today, it's left urban districts in some, but certainly not all, locations impoverished and poorly supported.  That problem feeds on itself as people with means end up sending their kids to private schools. 

This doesn't happen everywhere, by any means, and for whatever reason, rural districts tend not to have the same phenomenon occur.

At any rate, starting in the late 1970s there came to be a conservative desire to have public funding of private schools on the basis that they were carrying part of the load. This effort, of course, failed to recognize that this was occurring because people were electing to send kids to private schools.  Nonetheless this developed into a "school of choice" movement which, when it was politicized, was mostly politicized on the conservative right.  At the same time a home schooling movement developed which, when politicized (which isn't always the case), also came to be politicized on the right.

In Wyoming this has not, until recently, been politicized, although the number of parents home schooling has grown enormously in the past two decades.  Private schools in Wyoming have tended to be religious schools, which reflects a preexisting movement that dates back to the 19th Century.  Almost any community of any size in the United States will have a Catholic school, for instance, and quite a few will have Protestant grade schools as well, particularly given that American public schools actually basically had been somewhat Protestant schools up until the 1960s but ceased to be at that time.  But Wyoming hasn't seen too much of an effort to create much outside the norm.  This may be changing a bit, or simply evolving a bit.

The Wyoming Liberty Group, the very right wing/libertarian group that some have argued has had an impact on Wyoming's politics over the last decade launched a program called "Parents Unite" this past summer with the goal of boosting school of choice.   At least one district in Wyoming has had school of choice for decades so this will not likely be noted much there, but there is some reason to be concerned by the politicization of this as when it comes from right wing political quarters there tends to be a conception of education that is distinct but doesn't necessarily match what those who look back on really solid educational eras imagine about the past.  There'd be room to argue, therefore, about this development, although its frankly a development that Wyoming was in very early and apparently continues to be.

Be that as it may, the Friess have entered the picture with their Jackson Hole Classical Academy and its conflict with the Teton County Board of Commissioners.  We'll quote from the Jackson Hole Guide on that:
The Jackson Hole Classical Academy will have to live with a 10,000-square-foot gym after elected officials rejected its request for an additional 5,000 feet, which its administrators say is necessary for a fully functioning facility.
Because the zoning for the school’s proposed location in South Park limits maximum size to the smaller area — and because it is not allowed to seek a unique exemption for itself — the academy asked for a broader revision to the rural land development regulations. But the Teton County Board of County Commissioners wasn’t willing to face the risks of undermining policies that commissioners said were carefully crafted to align with county values.
“As commissioners,” Chairman Mark Newcomb said, “we’re really striving to recognize the desire and the need and to support the effort for choice in education … and at the same time struggling with the notion that we really want to protect the open-space values in the county.”
Because I'm impaired in terms of understanding building sizes, I don't really know how big of deal this is.  But it's turning into one.

Which brings us to the school itself, I suppose. What is it?

The JHCA states its mission statement as follows:

Mission Statement

The mission of Jackson Hole Classical Academy is to cultivate within its students the
wisdom and virtue necessary to discover their God-given potential and contribute to
a flourishing and free society.

Our Vision

As a school in the classical liberal arts tradition, the Academy believes that the
pursuit of truth always begins with a sense of wonder. Students can love to learn
what is true, good, and beautiful through a joyful discovery of the world around
them and their own expanding potential.

Academy teachers understand that education is not merely an accumulation of facts
or a memorization of what others have thought. Educating the heart and mind
includes fostering habits of thinking, feeling, judging, choosing, and acting for a
complete and virtuous life. Jackson Hole Classical Academy pursues this vision
within the historic Christian tradition that calls each person to love God and man.

Classical Liberal Arts

The liberal arts curriculum at JH Classical Academy is challenging and content-rich.
Our students study the core disciplines of mathematics, literature, history, science,
and Latin. Students also work through a structured physical education program to
develop the body in concert with the mind and soul. Students experience what is
beautiful by having the opportunity to practice the fine arts and performing arts of
music, drawing, painting, poetry, and drama.

Graduates of Jackson Hole Classical Academy are not merely well-prepared for
further studies but are well along the road to becoming citizens capable of
transmitting to the next generation the ideas and cultural foundations of Western
Civilization.
In short, the school is a Protestant Christian grade and middle school that goes presently up to 8th Grade but is expanding to 9th Grade.  It has an annual tuition of $16,900.00 but offers tuition assistance.

Let's be frank.  Paying tuition for grade school is something that most Wyomingites would more than think twice about but it does occur for those students who go to other private school.  The JHCA is high comparable to at least some and it's not grossly out of whack in its tuition.  

So it's a private school in Teton County with higher than some tuition, but not tuition that's exceedingly high by comparative standards.  It went, as we can see from the above, to expand its size.

And the Teton County Commissioners said no.

We now pick up the story from WyoFile, an online Wyoming newspaper:
JACKSON ­– At the behest of the Foster Friess family, a powerful state senator will carry a bill to override local control of a private school development.

Last week the Teton County commissioners refused to change land-use rules to accommodate the Friess family’s proposed Jackson Hole Classical Academy campus in a rural zone south of Jackson.

Sen. Eli Bebout (R-Riverton), immediate past president of the Senate, is a principal sponsor of Senate File 49 that would prohibit counties from controlling the location, use or occupancy of private schools provided they’re to be situated on at least 35 acres and enroll at least 50 students.
Now, I haven't, please note, ventured an opinion about the JHCA at all.  I'm not an opponent of private schools.  I'm not an opponent of religious private schools.  I support them for that matter.

But I am a bit amazed by the philosophical erosion here.  If we agree that some principal, localism, subsidiarity, or whatever, means that power should devolve as far down to the people as possible, and if that means that local governments make the call on such things, how can it be supported that the state should wrest control of such decisions in order to benefit private schools?

And if we think that's proper, why would we oppose the Federal Government interjecting on the same and highly related topics.  Lots of people in the state on the right have complained about the Federal Common Core mandate.  Surely those folks will oppose this bill, as it seeks to divest local control from the local?  I'm guessing that we'll hear nothing about it from that quarter however.

Principles are really tricky things.  When principles are seemingly compromised for objective, everything ultimately tends to be compromised long term.  I suppose here those supporting this effort will maintain that zoning regulations trump individual freedoms.  I've heard that argument before.  But the problem with that argument is that zoning regulations are imposed at the local level, and therefore express the intent and desires of those who live in an area.  Of course, those who take a radically libertarian view, and I'm not saying that Friess does, will argue that this is the very point.  Property rights, in their view, are so sacrosanct that, in their view, nobody should be able to touch them.

The ultimate problem with that view, and there are many problems with it, is that in the end it so favors the rich over everyone else that it creates a feudal system in regards to the ownership of property.  We all live on the same earth, and only for a time, so the entire concept that "it's my property and I should get to do with it what I want" is dead wrong.  For one reason, no how much property anyone person owns, sooner or later that person will be dead, and in the larger scheme of things it is in fact sooner rather than later.  No Medieval liege ,no matter how wealthy he was, owns a scrap of anything today as they're all dead.  The property lives on.

This gives a good basis for viewing some of the incidents of the ownership of land being collective rather than individual and that well known instinctual fact is the reason that zoning exists. . . so others don't monkey things up for everyone.  In Teton County its arguably the case that its a bit too late, as the county has become such a playground for the wealthy that those of more modest means really can't live there anymore, and there's something intrinsically wrong with that.

Be that as it may, the effort, which pits a determined interest that has lost at the local level against a local body in the state legislature is a really odd thing to see in Wyoming, which tends to support local control.  I don't see it working.  And if it does, the troublesome things that could come out of it won't be limited to education.

Saturday, December 29, 2018

Targeting the Party Switchers. The 2019 Legislative Session Kicks Off.


The 2019 Legislative Session has kicked in, in the form of pre filed bills and committee meetings and, one of those early filed bills looks to. . .. the 2018 election.


As anyone following the late stages of the 2018 Gubernatorial Race would be aware of, late in the 2018 session the failed gubernatorial candidates, or at least some of them, and in particular one of them, began to complain that Democrats had crossed over and doomed their candidacy. 

There is, quite frankly, a certain element of hubris in an assumption like that, to say the least.

Such candidates were the extremely conservative ones, at least one of whom had a thin connection to the state in general in some ways, and there seemed to be s certain lack of knowledge on the state’s political culture on their part.  The state has never actually been liberal in the Alabama or Texas sense (not that those two things are the same), but more in a high plains sense.


As the Democratic Party is dead here there’s real reason to believe that Democrats crossing to the GOP would have little impact on any one race, but those failed candidates believe it and now a new Republican legislator from Ranchester (an area of the state which has had some odd politics in recent years) in the Senate had introduced a bill which would require a notarized signature in advance of an election to switch as well as submission of the switch form to an election judge.

In other words, switching would be more difficult.

That’s about all that would do.  Assuming election judges do their jobs honestly, they’d look at it and say “yup. . . that’s a form alright”.  Of course, history in other localities has shown that submitting such things to election judges often serves as a source of mischief for a party under stress, which mysteriously finds that Mrs. Ima Republican didn’t properly sign, or something, and is really a Democrat.

Indeed, the requirement of a notarized signature does nothing other than to serve that interest as at best a notary has verified that you are who you say your are by the presentation of identification, if not known to the notary personally.  Generally the Clerk’s office has notaries so that’s about all that would actually do, other than to further emphasize that you need to do it in advance of the election.
All this really points to a single thing, which is that primaries are party elections and if you don’t like people voting in them, don’t have one.  Disgruntled GOP figures should keep that in mind. If they did that, they could pick the candidates they wanted through a convention process, as they did in the old smoke filled room days. 

On the other hand, if they want to make switching parties more difficult, and they figure that a lot of Democrats switched in the 2018 Primary Season they ought to also consider that those Democrats probably wouldn’t be switching back until 2020. . . and so by making it more difficult, they’ll probably help cement some of them in the GOP.

Wednesday, November 7, 2018

The 2018 Wyoming General Election (and the national election too).

Somehow it seemed like it was long in coming, perhaps because the primary seemed quite long, and then the post primary season was surprisingly anticlimactic.

Columbia is watching you. Do the right thing.

But it's finally here.


So, informed reader, go out and vote.


That's all that makes a democracy work, after all.


And everyone and everything depends upon an informed electorate.

What will occur?

Well, in this election in Wyoming the results seem pretty predictable, but we'll see by the end of the night.

And the national election, which in recent years have proven to be unpredictable, will be big news no matter what.

So, as the famous movie line goes, buckle up, we may be in for some bumpy weather. . . .or at least almost certainly some bumpy punditry, going into the news cycle tonight and certainly into the weekend news shows.

This post, of course, will one of those that will be updated as we find out what happened.

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November 6, 2018

The use of red and blue for GOP and Dems just drives me nuts.  For the historically minded, it makes no sense at all.

Eee gads, whatever news network that came up with that several years ago should be sentenced to remedial history lessons.

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November 7, 2018

It was a night of low drama in the Wyoming election. All the expected candidates won and by comfortable margins.

Mark Gordon took the Gubernatorial race with 67.4% of the votes, a commanding margin.  Mary Throne had run a good race, but her best chances were always in the event that one of the more right wing Republicans took the primary.  For awhile Gordon, whose race it "was to lose" according to one of the early reports about the GOP primary, looked like he might fall short in the primary, but when he prevailed in the GOP contest the results were predictable.  Perhaps what was not was the margin, as she took only 27.7%, a small percentage for a well run campaign.

"T" Rex Rammell, as he took to calling himself, fell flat getting only 3.3% of the vote.  The Constitution Party candidate had claimed that Republicans had asked him to run on the basis that Gordon was securing the GOP ticket by way of some sort of conspiracy and at least in debates he seemed to truly believe that he was the state's only hope against "turning blue" but rather obviously the voters were not impressed.   This isn't the first defeat for Rammell who should be receiving a message by now as a result.

Laurence Streumpf, who sounded surprisingly good in the debates (or at least the one debate I heard) came in below everyone else at 1.6%.  That's not good for the Libertarian candidate, but it does say something about Rammell's effort as its somewhat comparable and Streumpf hard ran at all.

In other races Edward Buchanan took the Secretary of State position with over 68% of the vote.  Melissa Racines absolutely dominated the race for Auditor, receiving 73.3% of the vote.  Curt Meier did nearly as well  with just under 73% of the vote.

John Barrasso turned out to easily defeat Gary Trauner, with Barrasso receiving 67.1% of the vote. Trauner, who nearly unseated Barbara Cubin in a race for Congress some years ago, ran a good campaign but it obviously fell far short in the end.  Likewise, Liz Cheney was reelected to the House with nearly 64% of the vote.  In both instances Albany County and Teton Counties voted for the Democratic candidate, which sends some sort of a message regarding those counties.  Trauner of course lives in Teton County and Democrat Greg Hunter lives in Albany County.

In other words, the Republicans not only had a good night in the Wyoming election, they dominated it, even picking up a State House Seat that had been occupied by a Democrat, although they also lost one to an Independent as well, so perhaps that was a numerical wash.  The GOP likewise picked up a Senate seat at the expensive of an incumbent Democrat.

Well what about the races nationwide, or more particularly for Congress?

Going into this election there was talk by the chromatically challenged press of their being a strong potential for a "blue wave", i.e., a large-scale Democratic victory in which Democrats would pick up the U.S. House and Senate. That was scaled back in recent days but there was still talk of a blue wave swamping the House.  It didn't occur.

The Republicans gained two seats in the Senate. The Democrats picked up 26 seats in the House in an election that received unusually high turn out. They thereby took the House.

For reasons that aren't really clear to me, a party needs 218 seats to control the House of Representatives and the Democrats secured 219, giving them control of the House.  That's nothing to sneeze at, but they barely made it and that wasn't what was anticipated early on.  And, moreover, in recent elections the House changing parties mid term has been the norm.

So what does that mean? Well, it means that we're back to an episode of divided government.  The Democrats have the House and the Republicans have the White House and the Senate.

Given the degree of polarization in Washington right now, indeed the nation, that likely means that for the next two years next to nothing will get done legislatively.  The Senate will be able to continue to confirm Presidential nominations with impunity so that part of President Trump's agenda will go unabated.  The Democrats in the House will have the subpoena power and will use it to hit many with the same for investigations it will no doubt launch.  Legislatively, anything that's not pretty much universally agreed to by both parties simply won't happen at all.  Maybe that's what people secretly want.

What it also means is that the Democrats are gong to have to determine what to do about Nancy Pelosi, who has given every sign of wanting to be Speaker of the House again.  Her prior recent episodes of leadership have not been stellar and there are Democrats who are indicating that they will challenge her.  My prediction is that she'll prevail and end up Speaker again, where she'll be no more effective than she has been on previous occasions.

What the national election additionally shows is that both parties have to demonstrate what they're about.  The GOP struggled with that unsuccessfully the past two years and never really came a definitive vision of itself.  In the Senate, where it remains more old school conservative than the house, the Republicans did well, which should tell them something.  In the House, where the message wasn't as clear, they did not do as well, although in fairness the House normally goes to the other party, at least recently, in the mid terms.  But the Democrats have not really done any better.  They did prevail, but the party retains very old leadership while having a base that in this election varied from the very far left, to the just mad, to a bit of a "blue dog" resurgence.  Nobody's message seems to be hitting home.

Everyone now has two years to ponder it and try to work that message out. During that two years, not much legislatively will be happening, which both parties will have to live with.

It probably should be additionally noted that the Democrats did really well with Gubernatorial races around the nation, which in recent years they have not.  They picked up seven seats to where they now hold 22 of the nation's 50. That's a big change from the current situation in which they had held 15.  Ted Cruz managed to hold on to his seat, but only barely.  Mitt Romney, former governor of Massachusetts and one time candidate for President is going back to Washington as a Senator from Utah.  Across the nation, irrespective of the final numbers, some well known incumbent members of both parties went down in defeat, possibly showing that in at least some areas people are simply flat out mad.

Friday, October 19, 2018

The 2018 Wyoming Election Volume Five: On To The General Election.

Some of these signs will be coming down after the first entry on this thread on August 21, 2018.

The polls will be opening in one hour at the time this post goes up on Tuesday, August 21, 2018; the Primary Election Day.

And hence the new thread. They'll soon be an update here on who won, who lost, and maybe why those things occurred.

August 21, 2018  The Primary Results Edition.

For the first called races, it's clear that John Barrasso handily defeated Dodson in spite a of a vigorous well monied campaigned by Dodson.  Barrasso appeared to be worried towards the end but he seems to have pulled in over 60% of the vote.  He'll go on to face Trauner in November, who nearly unseated Barbara Cubin for the House some years ago but who has a tougher candidate in Barrasso.  The Tribunes endorsement of Dodson doesn't seem to have made much of a difference.  Unless final results change, Dodson only carried his home county, Teton.

Cheney defeated her two challengers with nearly 70% of the vote. The surprising thing in that race is that Blake Stanley, who was virtually unheard of in the campaign, pulled down over 10% of the vote.  She'll face Gregg Hunter in the fall, who prevailed in the Democratic primary and who has nearly no chance whatsoever of winning in the fall.

While it hasn't been called, Kristi Racines seems to have won the Republican Primary against Nathan Winters.  She will face Jeff Dockter in the fall, who is unlikely to win.

Ed Buchanan prevailed in an uncontested race for Secretary of State and will face respected Democrat James Byrd.

Mark Gordon, who early on was regarded as the favorite, will in fact be the nominee.  He appears set to pull over 30% of the vote in a crowded field.  Gordon was the victim of a really aggressive campaign by Harriet Hageman, who appears likely to come in third place behind Foster Friess, the eccentric conservative monied import.  Friess appears likely to cone in with about 26% of the vote and Hageman about 22% of the vote. Galeotos, who did really well early on just tanked late in the campaign, pulling in only, so far, about 13% of the vote.

In my view, Galeotos made a big miscalculation by associating himself with Trump during the campaign and just before all the most recent news about Russian intrigue.  To add to that, real Trump fans were probably more likely to go to Friess who received the endorsement of Donald Trump, Jr. and, just yesterday, Donald Trump.  So Galeotos likely lost favor with Republicans who are not keen on Trump and those who really are likely went for Friess or Hageman.  Gordon, who never associated himself with Trump but who ran to the more or less center as the campaign went on can take some comfort in the fact that if Galeotos had dropped out, as he probably should have, most of those votes would have gone to him, which would have put him up around 45% of the vote.

Hageman did take some counties, with all of them either being farm belt or coal belt counties, which is telling.  Elsewhere, at least in my view, she did some damage to those associating themselves with her campaign.  One local candidate that invested a lot in signs lost his race as an example.  He heavily associated himself with her effort, and at least a couple of people I know determined not to vote for him for that reason.

Gordon goes on to face Mary Throne in the fall.  Throne has been a very active Democratic candidate but her chances are now decreased by Gordon winning the primary.  Her best chances would have been against a more extreme Republican so she's now lost that

(Note, quite a few of the races were called as I was typing this, which is probably why it reads a bit odd).

August 22, 2018.  The Day After Edition.

Well, now its the day after, so to speak.

So what does the primary race tell us.  And it's a question worth asking as, for many of these races, they are now over.

Wyoming is a Republican state. The Democratic Party, in the past thirty or so years, has been capable of putting a candidate into the Governor's office and to that of the Secretary of State, and to elect a few legislators, but little else.  While that the Democrats can get a candidate through the door anywhere in Wyoming at all is actually impressive, the trend line has been towards Democratic deminishment, not increase.

But the GOP hasn't been healthy either.  Starting at some point during Governor Mead's term in office, or perhaps more accurately Barrack Obama's Presidency, a minority, but a significant one, turned towards the Tea Party element of the party.

Yesterday that element was repudiated.

That doesn't mean it's gone, but it did receive, to borrow the term of Tom and Ray, the dope slap.

And so, to an extent, did Trump loyalist in a state that's presumed to be the most loyal to Trump, but which is highly likely not.

In choosing Mark Gordon as the GOP candidate for Governor, the state went with a candidate that went increasingly towards the middle as the campaign went on. Wisely, when attacked for essentially being a RINO, Gordon talked up his local credentials and didn't go to the hard right.  Indeed, while he's a poor speaker, in my view, he and those on his staff proved to be politically savvy on the Wyoming voter, going increasingly towards the middle rather than the right.  Hageman's efforts to taint him with the Sierra Club and the like didn't hurt him, and in fact likely helped him, something that people with Hageman's frame of mind should keep in mind.

Also telling was the spectacular fall of Sam Galeotos in the race. Galeotos was at one time nearly neck and neck with Gordon but fell sharply at the end of the race. Some of that was likely due to his supporters seeing that Gordon was a little stronger and opting to make sure that Hageman was defeated.  Some of, however, was that he tainted himself in a political miscalculation in which he embraced Trump.  That likely drove GOP moderates who are conservatives but not Trump fans towards Gordon.  I know for a fact that at least some younger voters were horrified by Galeotos' Trump embrace and totally rejected him at that point.

Galeotos didn't do well anywhere, but did come in third position, behind Gordon and Fiess (but not necessarily in that order) in Sweetwater and Laramie Counties, the latter being his home county.

Somebody who did much better than I would have anticipated and who did embrace Trump was Foster Friess.  I frankly regarded Friess as a joke when he entered the race but he ended up with 26% of the vote, more than Hageman's 21%.  Friess is a true conservative who was endorsed by the Trumps in the race and likely did pick up some Trump fans who were not fans of Hageman's hard right Tea Party views, the two not being the same. And to his credit, Friess managed to sound less goofy as time went on.  He ended up taking the majority of the votes in six of Wyoming's twenty three counties in geographic groupings that are a bit hard to figure.  One group was concentrated heavily in the southwest corner of the state which suggests, but only suggests, that he may have pulled well with Mormon voters who make up a significant demographic in that region.  Friess is not  Mormon but an evangelical Christian, but he did campaign on that in a state where that's almost never done, suggesting that whoever discerned a voting block of religious voters may have been right.  He also did well in Park and Big Horn Counties, both of which also feature a large Mormon demographic. That's just a guess as to what was going on in those areas, however.

Teton County, where Friess hangs his Stetson, went overwhelmingly for Gordon, which is interesting.  They also put Hageman in the basement with less than 10% in third place which means that Galeotos grossly under performed in that county.

Friess was less than 1% behind Gordon in Natrona County, the state's second most populous county, and I don't know what that means, so I could be off the mark on why people did or did not go for Friess.

The map reveals that Hageman pulled in the majority of votes in the few Wyoming counties that are farming, rather than ranching, counties, and the coal counties.  While little discussed, the farming counties have tended to be much more aggressive in "taking control" of this or that than the other counties, including the ranching counties, which is more than a bit of an irony in that there's little public land in those counties.  Those counties were the epicenter of a landowner effort to seize control of hunting licenses back in the 1980s. Apparently much of that view simply remains.  She did very well in all of those five counties save for Campbell County, the state's biggest coal county, where she was less than 1% in front of Friess.  That was the only county which went for Hageman in which Gordon wasn't in second position.  Hageman did not do well in the Friess counties (nor in all of the Gordon counties either, obvious, given her overall third place finish) which raises the question of whether her discourtesy was a factor in counties that went for a very courteous Friess.

Hageman was sufficiently divisive, I'm convinced, that association with her took at least one local candidate down. One of the county commissioner candidates in Natrona County heavily associated himself with her during the campaign, with his sign appearing in very high frequency with hers, and with him endorsing her.  I know that this turned off GOP voters in the primary and while I never heard a single person suggest that they'd vote for him due to the association, I did hear some say that they would not based on the association.

It's worth noting that the strongest dose of tea, that offered by candidate Taylor Haynes, was flat out rejected by the voters . . . again.  Haynes pulled 5.6% of the vote.  Even if his share of the polls was added to Hageman's, which it would have been if he had not run (at one time I thought he'd act as a spoiler in regards to Hageman, but that didn't occur), she still would have fallen short of defeating Gordon, although that would have placed her in second position.  As noted, if Galeotos has likewise pulled out, and towards the end I thought he might act as a spoiler to Gordon. . .and he somewhat did, he would have polled much higher as Galeotos did pull down 12% of the vote.

What all of this would seem to tell us is that Tea Party elements remain strong in the state, but they also remain a distinct minority and are concentrated in areas where the impact of their views are actually unlikely to be felt or where coal has been a significant employer.  Public land issues, which came up a lot during the race, but not as much as public land backers would have like, likely surfaced and drove a lot of voters towards Gordon, which individuals who have proposed monkeying around in this area should remember.

The Tribune, on the other hand, noted the reelection of Chuck Gray as evidence that these views remain strong and growing, but they may wish to take a second look at the pool results.  Gray won reelection, but 36% of the vote when for GOP contender Daniel Sandoval who barely campaigned.  Sandoval's main point was that Gray, in his view, was a divisive extremist.  If Sandoval could pull 36% of the vote without really campaigning it shouldn't be assumed that Gray is all that popular in his own district.

Gray not need worry, however, as the Democrats are running Jane Ifland, who is the type of candidate that pulls the Democrats down every election.  Candidates like Mary Throne lose a lot of votes due to candidates like Ifland as it becomes hard for middle of the road voters to support somebody from a party that tends to regular field candidates who are so far to the left. So Gray is now secure, and Throne, who is a good candidate but who occupies the middle, is not really very likely to go anywhere in a campaign against Gordon.

On other races, incumbents did well, as expected.  John Barrasso did much better than it looked like he might do, which means that Trauner now has virtually no chance, which Trauner, who had to have hope going into the primary, is likely aware of.  Barrasso pulled down 65% of the vote in a race in which he didn't do much campaigning until the very end, when his campaigning looked a little desperate.

Cheney, whom I'm convinced was vulnerable to a primary challenge, pulled own 68% of the vote, better than Barrasso, but those results show that she likely was vulnerable.  Her opponents basically didn't campaign at all and at least one could be regarded as highly eccentric. That they pulled over 30% of the GOP vote by doing nearly nothing is telling.  Her seat is safe, however, as the Democrats chose Greg Hunter, an import from the Mid West, who has absolutely no chance whatsoever.

In other races, a trend toward the more traditional type of Wyoming Republican was seen in the election of Kristi Racine for GOP State Auditor candidate.  She certainly had the credentials, but she was faced by candidate Nathan Winters who simply ran on his being a Baptist minister and a legislator.  Winters supported one of the land grabbing bills earlier and his candidacy seemed to rely heavily on his legislative history and his occupation.  It failed with Racine taking 60% of the vote.

So, at the end of the day, the Tea Party elements in Wyoming failed and the GOP received a wake up call.  Whether those in Washington, who are really hard to unseat, heard it, is another matter.  But locally the GOP should have.  Republican voters went much more towards traditional Wyoming Republicans than they did for Tea Party insurgents.  As has tended to be the history for state's entire existence, the state looked favorably on somebody occupying one of the state's traditional industries, indeed its longest traditional industry, as long as that person also respected the state's outdoor history.  It rejected the extremes.  Those who were claiming that "it's out time" and "time for a change", by which they meant a leap to the Tea Party right, were disappointed to learn that this isn't what Wyomingites wanted and its unlikely to ever be.

The alarm bell should also have gone off a bit for those who made a lot of assumptions about Wyoming voters and the state's economy, and in an interesting way. Hageman couldn't see an economy that extended beyond the state's two long time primary ones, agriculture and the extractive industries, and was hostile to the concept that the state should look at anything else.  The state rejected that reward looking vision. But notable in that, the ranching counties rejected it as much as any other county.  Only the coal and farming counties went for Hageman. The long held assumption heard by me personally during this election, that "all the ranchers are for Hageman" was flat out wrong.  Of course, it didn't hurt that Gordon is a rancher, while Hageman could only say she was "from" a ranch, but rather obviously "is" a lawyer.  But more than that, in ranching country the tide has turned in my view on the public lands issue as local ranch families fear a transfer from the Federal government to the state, and for good reason.  That idea only is popular in the lower ranks of the extractive industries, were the decisions are not made, and in farming country, which it won't impact.

The state, however, also rejected a massive modification of the state's economy, which was a position that Galeotos took.  This fits into a topic that I posted earlier which may be that the state is basically comfortable with the economy as it is and perhaps only wants a slight modification of it.  It didn't adopt the radical new computer economy proposed by Galeotos, and it didn't feel that businessmen who had done well elsewhere and then come back in, or just came in, such as Galeotos, Dodson and Friess had any solutions to things that they were willing to listen to.

A wake up call should also have been sent to those who like to believe that Wyoming always, and closely tracks national trends.  It does track national trends to some extent, but often it doesn't, and often not closely.  The results of the last general election left some assuming that Wyoming is super solid Trump Country.  It isn't.  Double Trump endorsements didn't carry Friess over the bar and embracing Trump in the primary probably doomed Galeotos to defeat.

The results by the end of the night also had to be a disappointment for Democrats, however.  Democrats fielded a couple of good candidates for the fall but their chances are now basically dashed and they likely know it.  Throne supporters who secretly hoped for Hageman to run, as she had her best chances against her, know that her chances against Gordon are extremely poor.  Trauner supporters who would have hoped for Dodson on the basis that Trauner is more Dodson than Dodson, will have a straight forward race in front of them but one in which a Barrasso who is more unpopular than might have been supposed was still able to command a large majority in the primary.  The Democrats didn't even field a candidate for some offices, and in the remainder where they did their candidates are unknown and have virtually no chance whatsoever, except for some local races where the odd Democrat or two who is well known stands a chance.  The sole exception might be Jim Byrd's race against Ed Buchanan, but that's a real long shot.  Against Elizabeth Cheney, who would have been vulnerable, they did not field a candidate who can win in the fall, which says a lot about the state of their party in general and also says why, for a lot of voters, including former Democrats, the Republican primary is the real election.

A final note might be made of the very odd nature of American elections and the Wyoming primaries in general.  Because of the suicide of the Democratic Party in Wyoming, as noted before, the primary has become the general election, effectively, for many offices.  That's okay I suppose, and most Wyomingites, even those who register as Democrats, actually are Republicans of the old school variety.   So the process is functioning democratically, if oddly.  On the other hand, the first past the post system continues to provide some odd result, but then a party election, which this is, isn't supposed to provide the final results, even if it often does.

August 23, 2018.  The Setting Records Edition.

According to the Tribune, Tuesday primary had an all time record number of voters participate in it, which likely reflects the nature of the candidates.

One thing, however, which wasn't a record, were the number of Democrats. . . all time low.

In other observations, between yesterday's post and today, I've now heard or read a couple of more observations that Galeotos' going for association with Trump did him in, with one of those observations coming from Bill Sniffin, in the Tribune, the former newspaper man and a backer of Galeotos.

And it can't help that the investigations of Trump are getting closer and closer to Trump himself.

August 24, 2018.  The Conspiracy Theory Edition.

You'd think that you'd at least get a break from politics for a couple of days, but this unusual election continues to feature. . . well, the unusual.

And the absurd.

Reader's the Tribune today are graced by a story of the absurd in the form of a conspiracy theory being advanced by Rex Rammell.  Rammell, you will recall, is the extreme libertarian with Constitutional ideas that befit his role, this election season, as a candidate for Wyoming's Constitution Party as that party seems to be populated by people who have a copy of the constitution that the rest of us don't.  I.e, their interpretation of the Constitution is, well, wrong.  Generally, they're state focused libertarians of a really extreme bent.

Rammell ran for Congress last time but dropped out prior to the end and endorsed another candidate who now holds a state office.  He hasn't gone away, however. The relocated Idaho veterinarian who first showed up in Wyoming's newspapers when his Idaho elk ranch was causing problems announced early on to run in the GOP primary on a platform even more extreme than Taylor Haynes, which is really saying something.

Now Rammell is claiming that Mark Gordon "hijacked the [Republican] party" and he's only running as high ranking Republicans urged him to do so in anticipation of Gordon winning the primary as an illegitimate candidate.  Rammell, Rammell claims, is the Republican Party's plan B.

Bull.

Rammell would have been the Democrats dream as there's no earthly way that he could win the race, but that must truly be regarded as a dream as he's so extreme there's no way that he could have won. The poor showing of Haynes is plenty proof of that, as is the defeat of the fairly extreme but nowhere near as extreme Harriet Hageman.

It's hard to know if Rammell really believes this absurdity, but he likely does.  There's a group of people for whom the terms "conservative" and "liberal" are presumed to wholly define who is right and who is wrong, even though in the modern context the terms are less than applicable to many situations.  I don't really regard Rammell and Haynes as "conservative" in the real sense, and I'm not sure that I fully put Hageman there either.  Rammell certainly is extreme right wing, however.

Rammell isn't the only one grousing over the GOP primary results.  Foster Friess is as well.

I never thought Friess had a chance until the very end of the election.  He's not from here, he lives in Teton County (probably part of the kiss of political death for Dodson), and his connection with the state was obviously rather poor.  So that he did as well as he did really surprised me.  I still don't know what all to make of that, but I think the result showed us some sleeping demographic information and the combined results of a lingering late oilfield transient population combined with lots of advertising money.  Be that as it may, Foster is now upset because he believes that thousands of Democrats switched parties to vote.

Before we go to that, his actual statement shows the delusion that some candidates, including Friess and Galeotos, had about Trump's popularity here.  I frankly don't think Trump is popular in Wyoming and I now know of  several voters who would have voted for him but for his self identification with Trump.  One of the Cheyenne newspapers reported his choice to attempt that association as risky at the time.

Friess did that as well and secured, as readers here know, the endorsement of father and son Donalds prior to the election.  Donald Jr.'s, I thought, read particularly oddly as it essentially emphasized that the Trumps have a lot of money and Friess has a lot of money and they met at things that people who have a lot of money meet at. . . which you and I, Wyoming voter, don't go to.

Anyhow, Friess sent a letter out to each GOP candidate running except for Gordon which stated, according to Wyofile:
It seems like the Democrats have figured out this party switch deal to their advantage, . . .  I guess there’s 114,000 registered Republicans and 17,000 registered Democrats. No way is that the actual mix, and with Trump getting 70% of the vote, it shows how the Democrats have been able to control our elections with putting on a Republican coat.
This is a really odd complaint in that both political parties claim they're right and that everyone should be in them.  This shows, quite frankly, that candidates really mean everyone should think like them.

I'll get to the actual news, to the extent we have any, in people switching parties, but perhaps Friess should actually try to board the logic train here.  Trump getting 70% of the Wyoming vote isn't a good result.  It's awful.  Hillary Clinton had about as much chance of winning in Wyoming as Karl Marx would, and yet Trump only got 70% of the vote.  That doesn't show massive Trump support, it shows that even with Clinton as the single worst candidate that the Democrats could have run in 2016 he still didn't get almost every vote.

Indeed, it might be worth noting that Republican voters, when given a choice of candidates in the primary, only gave 7.2% of their vote to Trump.  Not exactly a "woo-wee, we love Trump" vote.  That 7.2% probably better reflects what Republican voters actually have been thinking of Trump even if 70% of the general voters went for Trump in the general election.

None of which means that he doesn't actually have a bit of a point, but even that doesn't play out the way people of his mindset might think.

The Albany County Clerk has stated that she think 2,000 to 3,000 Albany County voters switched parties this election.  This happens every election, she notes, but this was more than normal. And those voters switched to the Republican Party.

Defeated Republicans, like Friess, view this as a conspiracy and are urging the laws be changed so that you have to change your registration twenty five days prior to the election, if you are going to, and also to feature a runoff between the top two vote getters. We note that Friess came in second. This, he feels, would make it more likely that a real "conservative" would get elected.

In actuality, what it likely would do is boost the overall chances of Democrats.  What has been occurring is that there is an election season switch of independents and Democrats into the GOP as it's the only chance they have of actually getting a say.  Frankly, there aren't that many Democrats left in the state anymore and of the ones who remain, quite a few are in the left wing extremist camp and aren't going to switch no matter what. So the Democrats who move over, and the independents, are the centerist ones who likely could be in either party but who don't go with the GOP as they view some of its candidates and politicians as extreme.  The bigger story here, however, is that there's been a migration from the Democratic Party to the GOP in the state dating back to the 1980s.

Indeed this is best symbolized by the fact that some of the Republican stalwarts of long standing were at one time real Democrat standouts.  Fremont County's Eli Bebout is a solid Republican legislator who at one time was a real Republican contender for the Governor's office. But before that, he was a really notable Fremont County Democrat.  Indeed, Fremont County and Sweetwater Counties were very Democratic counties in Wyoming prior to the mid 1980s. As trends like this are long, it's worth noting what occurred.

Starting in the mid 80s and then continuing on to the present day voters who are really old style Democrats lost faith in the Democratic Party and started moving to the Republicans or to no party at all.  As the Democrats became less blue collar and more abortion on demand and every radical social cause.  With each step to the left more Democrats left, but some remain.  

What's missed by the bellyaching from Friess and the like-minded on that is that at the same time that the Democrats were marching left nationally, the GOP tended to be marching right.  A person can argue for or against any of these things but for middle of the road voters the GOP in Wyoming still tends to remain the only party that they can logically be in, which in turn means that the actual party isn't anywhere near as far right as Friess and Rammell believe it is.

And that's because the Wyoming electorate is actually sui generis.

Friess and Rammell, neither of whom are from here, don't seem to grasp that.

And that's why the GOP ought to rejoice about people joining it at the polls.

A lot of the new GOP voters will remain in the GOP. Yep, they'll pull it to the center. But that fact means that the GOP continues to remain viable.

If folks like Friess had their way, the result would mean that thousands of independent and moderate Democrats would have no say until the general election. And as the Democrats have managed to actually field moderates for the Governor's office and the D.C. offices most years, that means that the fortunes of Democrats would be enormously boosted.

Put another way, if Friess believes that because he's an evangelical Republican with a lot of money who is really conservative, he would have won the primary but for switching Democrats, how would have have done against Marty Throne, a Presbyterian Wyoming native who has lived here her whole life?  I don't know where Throne stands on social issues and the election may have well come down to that, but he shouldn't assume that a more controlled primary yields a more "conservative" figure in the Governor's office.  

And for matter, there's no real reason that either party should burden the state with picking their candidate to run in the general, if they don't want an open primary. They could just do it in a convention.  But there's no reason to believe that would result in a Friess or a Hageman either.
On other political matters, things aren't looking good for that figure that Friess cited in his example the other day, Donald Trump.  Indeed, the chances of him getting impeached are getting higher and higher, although its still unlikely.  Amazingly, Trump has managed to make his controversial choice for Attorney General, Jeff Sessions, look really good, as Sessions turns out to be pretty principled and won't interfere with ongoing investigations.

So this of course means that the Democrats are beginning to lick their chops about their chances of retaking the House, which means that Nancy Pelosi is of course anticipating being Speaker again and is already saying she won't step out of the way in regards to that office.

Which of course brings us back to the modern Democratic Party and why it has done so poorly.  Why can't it find anyone to run it other than those whose political views were formed when Lyndon Johnson was the President?

August 31, 2018   The Write In Edition

Oh, you thought you'd be so fortunate as to not have this thread reappear before September, didn't you.

So did I.

Well, no such luck.  It turns out that the primary had some surprising results, and people who were surprised by the results continue to unfortunately make news as well.

First, the surprises.

Some Democrats mounted last minute, although very quite, write in campaigns that had an effect.  The most significant of those was for State Superintendent of Public Instruction in which legislator and lawyer Mike Massie secured the Democratic nomination for that office.

Massie ran, and lost, for this position some years ago in a race that saw Cindy Hill take the position.  In retrospect, most folks likely later wished that Massie had won.  He likely stands less of a chance against incumbent Balow, but he is a solid candidate and it is a good thing that the race now features two solid candidates.

Chris Lowry took the Democratic nomination for State Treasurer.  I know almost nothing about him other than that he's a chemist for a laboratory in Laramie.  That's about all I know, and I feel he stands no chance of success, but at least there's now a choice.

Some state races also saw successful write in campaigns for both Republican and Democratic seats i the legislature, but as I don't know anything about them, I'll pass on further comment.

I can't help but comment, however, of Foster Friess who is taking his loss in the primary very badly.

Frankly, the degree to which Friess was successful really surprised me but I think there's a lot going on there.  If I ever finish some threads that are pending, I'll expand more on that in the future.  But what I'd note is that Friess seems absolutely convinced that Wyoming's politics are quite similar to Arkansas' and that his victory was assured but for mean old Democrats crossing into the GOP and stealing the election from him.  I know that there's a case to be made there, somewhat, but there are other explanations for what occurred and what may very well have occurred is that his loss in the primary means his party won't see the other party take the Governor's chair in November.

Be that as it may, he apparently was seriously contemplating a run in campaign.

Friess, who isn't from here, and who has lived in Teton County only, seems to very seriously have a political demographic model of the state which fits a Southern state rather than a Western one.  He'd do well to winter over in Helena, Missoula, Laramie or even Denver this year, and get a bit of a clue.  He seems to think the nomination was his by applying almost Leninistic logic to the effect that he represents the people, those being the people who count, i.e., the conservative people, who think like he does.  Frankly that isn't exactly how that works at all as Wyoming (future thread, maybe) isn't that type of conservative.

People who are that type of conservative have reason to be really concerned right now in general as it appears that the political winds really are changing in general.  Friess is a diehard Trumpster and Trump is in huge trouble.  By November the Trump political credit might very well be spent.  In any event, it likely was never that great in Wyoming anyhow.

Friess was talked out of mounting a write in campaign, he says, by fellow Republicans who argued that this would only throw votes to Throne.  They were probably correct.

I have to say that while Friess did much better than I thought he would, and while he seemed less of a gadfly as the election went on (and obviously a lot of Wyoming voters came to view him favorably enough to vote for him) there's been a real lack of humility here post election to a degree that's fairly stunning.  To suggest that that the law ought to be changed as you lost, and then contemplate a write in campaign against your own party because you feel that you should have won by right, demonstrates a concept of possession of the office that's really stunning.

It would be different, in my view, if in a closely run race there was a major issue that was hugely distinct between your opponent and you.  I can think of examples of that from the 1970s where national candidates reflected that, although not in a way that I think makes their personal stands admirable.  But if you really have a big issue, such as on a national scale a topic of war vs. peace.  Or if you have a have a local issue where your own party's candidate is sharply at odds with you on a matter of grave importance, that would make sense to me. But here that's simply not the case. There are really no issues where Friess and Gordon aren't basically on the same page, more or less.  That means, quite frankly, that Friess was the weaker candidate simply because he's a rich outsider, and that would have been taken into account by some voters who would otherwise have gone fro the GOP in the Fall.

A couple of real differences, although not ones, that are in sharp distinction, that may weigh into Friess' odd reaction is that Friess appears to be a genuine Trumpster.  Most Wyomingites aren't, but those who are, tend to feel that Trump is right on things at a level that's dogmatic.  That scares quite a few rank and file Republicans, but those who feel that way don't grasp that at all.  Trump is right, they feel, on everything, and people who don't agree with that are deluded or worse.  The second thing, however, is that Friess is clearly an evangelical Christian and thinks because Wyoming is a conservative state it is by default an evangelical Christian one. That's flat out wrong.  In fact, historically Wyoming had been one of the least religiously observant states in the union, and that for its entire history.  We will have more on that in the thread I keep mentioning, but in terms of really strong religious adherence that may make a difference in an election you have to look towards practicing Catholics and Mormons here, both of whom are a demographic minority and neither of which are evangelicals.

For all those reasons, it seems to me that Friess has forgotten where he says he lives, which was apparent during the election and which has become rather obvious after it.

September 6, 2018  The Money Edition and Fifth Column Edition.

The Tribune reported yesterday that the recent primary pushed this current election up to the most spendy in Wyoming's history. . . and its' not even over.

Costs for a Wyoming election do have to be kept in context.  Even expensive Wyoming elections are cheaper than man of those around the country. But at the same time, with the smaller population, they should be.

The Tribune reports that the total amount spent in the 2010 Gubernatorial contest was a little over $4,000,000. That is, that's entire amount spent by all candidates during the entire campaign.  This year, by contrasts, the Republican contestants have already spent $8,000,000.

Of those, Foster Friess spent a whopping $2, 680,000 in his race to defeat.  The victor, Mark Gordon, spent a little over $2,000,000, which was a little under the amount spent by defeated candidate Sam Galeotos.  Third place finisher Harriet Hageman, the only candidate to only use Wyoming vendors in her campaign, spent a little over $1,000,000.

This certainly tells us that the campaign was unusually vigorously contested, to be sure.  It probably also tells us something about the role that Friess played in the campaign, as the megabucks Teton County import had a lot of money to spend, and frankly it worked fairly well for him as he did quite well in the overall vote count.

That may also give us a bit of an insight, sort of, as to why Friess has seemed to take the results badly.  He seems to have expected to actually win and even commissioned a private poll that showed that he would.  He's made some somewhat odd statements about perceiving a Devine mandate to run for the office and paradoxically seems to also view that mandate to have been frustrated by late Democratic changes to Republican registration at the polls, which if thought about deeply might tend to suggest that he ought to reconsider what he perceives to be that calling, or perhaps ought to be more careful how he phrases his statement so that its not misunderstood.

Wyoming's candidates to date spent more than those running for the same office in Maine, Nevada and Alaska, the latter of which doesn't total up to $1,000,000.

On spending less than $1,000,000, Democrat Mary Throne only spent $142,000.  In that fashion this race continues to resemble the one in which Democrat Mike Sullivan took the office, as he basically didn't have to do much until the general election, by which time the Republicans had ripped themselves apart in the primary.  We'll see if that history repeats itself.

Speaking of Friess, who received a couple of endorsements from Donald Trump, Jr. and one very late one from the President himself, that President is blaming a late reminder from Don Jr. for the lateness of that endorsement.  According to the President, his son reminded him to make the endorsement a bit too late, which is why he came out at the bitter end rather than earlier.

I really have my doubts that a Trump endorsement would have pushed Friess up over the bar, and indeed, I think associating with Trump turned Galeotos' campaign into a $2,000,000 failure.  As I've noted before, I don't think Trump is that popular in Wyoming and at any rate the news for Trump keeps getting worse and worse, which is beginning to have an undeniable impact in pending elections around the country. Galeotos has plenty of company.  The Trump administration is beginning to recall the Nixon administration in its late stages more and more, something that's bound to play itself out on the national political stage.

Yesterday the New York Times ran an article by an individual they claim to know by name who reports himself as a conservative fifth columnist inside the Trump administration, and not the only one, who is secretly working against the Presidents wilder actions.  Basically, the columnist reports that the truly conservative things that have been happening are largely the work of insiders who resist Trump's incoherent directions and that the nation should take solace that this is occurring.  Basically, the columnist claims that there are a group of administration insiders acting as a conservative rear guard holding down the fort until the President is gone.  It even claims that they considered removing him under the Constitutional impairment clause but elected instead just to sabotage Trump's worst inclinations and in their place enforce genuinely conservative ones.

In most administration this would be a real bombshell but by this time everyone is so acclimated to constant turmoil I'm skeptical that will occur. We'll see.  This would actually explain why Trump seems to head in one direction, such as embracing Putin, while the official policy of the US heads in another, such as imposing tough sanctions.

But it's also a bit much in some ways.  For one thing, if such a deeply caring person was a secret insider, why is he blowing it now (unless the whole administration is a house of cards and he knows its about to collapse).  And the history of such "secret insider" events usually tends to show that real events are much more mundane and the big conspiracies tend to be just the urging of cabinet members on the office holder, rather than anything more fifth column.  Indeed, the history also tends to show that the secret person is much more junior than the breaking news would hint at.

Of course, right now, we know none of that.

Trump, predictably, is raging against the New York Times.

My prediction is that Facebook will be left and right insane today.

September 6, 2016  Part Two: The Big Sky Edition

Donald Trump is going to Billings Montana today.

Why?

Well that's a good question and there are a number or reasons this is likely why.  In former years Presidents who were in political trouble tended to fly overseas. . . or at least after World War Two they started doing that.  That was always good for press.  Now, however, Trump tends to appear at rallies.  Appearing to his base appears to be the one thing that he can still definitely do that turns people out and gives him good press. . . although the results where he has appeared haven't been sterling by any means.

So why Montana?

Senator John Testor is the reason.

Montana's Senator John Testor.

Democratic Senator John Testor is running for reelection in Montana.  He's occupied that office since January 2007 after moving to the United States Senate from being President of the Montana state senate.

Running against Testor is Matt Rosendale, who is going to lose.  Rosendale is the Montana State Auditor and I frankly know almost nothing about him.

Which doesn't mean that this will be a cakewalk for Testor.  Outsiders will note, inaccurately, that Montana is a Western state (correct), Western states are conservative (generally correct but misunderstood) and that Trump is popular in the West (incorrect).  While those things have some element of truth in them, they're very misunderstood as the recent Wyoming primary demonstrated.  Nonetheless, Testor has been pointing out recently things that he supported Trump on.

Testor's from a state that's very odd politically and he's always had to walk a fine line on some things.  Montana is not nearly as conservative as people imagine it to be, and an immigration of California expatriots has impacted the state's politics in general.  It tends to have an old fashioned mix of conservative, but Democratic, farm interests, conservative Republican ranch interests, and liberal town interests.  And this has been the case for a long time and has reflected back in its politics.  Montana had a stout mineral severance tax long before Wyoming did and has been really aggressive on water conservation in a way that Wyoming has not been.  It passed really repressive and nativist legislation during World War One but it also sent Janette Rankin, the pacifist Democrat, to Congress twice making Montana the only state to have somebody in Congress who voted "no" on entering World War Two (which she also did in regards to World War One).  Testor, therefore, fits a certain Montana mold.

And that mold is one that Republicans need to worry about and apparently are. Testor has been mentioned by insiders as a potential Presidential candidate in 2020.

Indeed, Testor has to be well aware that if he had run in 2016, and his name had been mentioned, he'd be the President now.  He's not a whackadoodle Socialist like certain neo and paleo Democrats are, and he's not of the Democrats Bright Young Club of 1972, like every other Democrat who tends to be mentioned for the office tends to be.  He's a wheat farmer by trade, which is about as American as you can get, never lived far from where he was born until elected to the Senate, butchers his own beef and takes it with him to Washington D. C.. and has a family that even now still looks like your average farm family from the anywhere farming.   He has an A- rating from the NRA, higher than some Republicans get and almost certainly higher than anyone who the Democrats might otherwise ponder running.  He's generally a moderate, but has exhibited the Democratic middle migration on social issues.

In other words, had he ran in 2016 he'd have looked like a Republican to Republicans who couldn't stand Trump.

The GOP is in a situation where, right now, it has to be worried about Democrats running for the office in 2020.  Joe Biden is apparently considering doing so, knowing full well that his decision not to enter the race late gave the office to Trump.  The Democrats being what they are, there will be serious discussion of dragging out some musty candidate from the 1970s again and I wouldn't even put it past them to run the Pants Suit one more time, but Testor has to be pondering entering the race.

Which is why Trump is in Billings in a quixotic effort to boost his opponent in a region where Trump isn't really that popular, but the GOP hasn't managed to figure that out.  Perhaps Trump ought to stop and talk to Sam Galeotos on his way to Billings.]

September 12, 2018.  The election wasn't stolen edition.

From University of Wyoming Senior Research Scientist Brian Harnisch's Twitter feed, and as followed up on by the Casper Star Tribune:
Sep 10
Sure doesn't look like "Democrats meddled" in the Wyoming Republican primary. Instead - A few Democrats, more independents, and even more Republicans wanted a say in who governor will (or won't) be.

 

So it turns out that more Republicans registered to vote, but those increased numbers didn't come from the Democratic Part or from Independents in sufficient numbers to make a difference in the general election.  The State gained 3,738 new Republican voters it appears, or that's the net result after those who switched parties are taken into account.

This boosts some theories I have about what we saw in the primary, but I haven't had the time to finish the posts. Maybe that's a good thing as this did sort of make me question some of my assumptions, but this data bolsters them.

So, at the very most, after all the whining and complaining by those like Friess about changing the law to shut the door on party hopping Democrats, the actual result of that would be to shut the door on Republicans who want to participate.  Not that I think they'd care that much.  Based upon their statements I think it can't be assumed that those sorts of Republicans are regarded as the ones who aren't right thinking Republicans. . . . in more than one way.

September 27, 2018. The family squabble edition

Could it really be twenty days since our last entry here?  Wow.

Bet you didn't miss it either.

Yes, Wyoming politics has been really quiet.  Politics elsewhere have not been, but here they have been, thankfully.

Not that they've been entirely quiet.

In what must be regarded as both quixotic and minor, some disgruntled conservatives, probably of very limited numbers, have started a Draft Foster Freiss movement.

What could possibly make somebody think that this would work is beyond me.  It won't.  If he coldn't win the GOP primary and felt that was because the wrong kind of people (i.e. Democrats) were allowed in to vote against him, what makes anyone who is a Freiss backer think that in the general, where everyone could vote, he could pull it off.

No, if anything, and it would likely not amount to anything, Freiss actually being drafted into the election would help Throne who is going to have a tough time against Gordon.

In other news, the prominent western Wyoming Gosar family is involved in an odd dispute with their sibling, Paul Gosar, who moved away and became a Congressman from Arizona.  The family dispute spilled into the election when members of the Gosar family appeared in an advertisement for his opponent and it's become a general argument.  Paul Gosar blamed the other Gosar's appearing in an advertisement on former President Obama, which is additionally odd.

The Gosars are well known and one of them has run for office within the state previously  Still, seeing a Wyoming family, and they really are a Wyoming family, spill into the national scene in this fashion is truly odd, to say the least.

October 9, 2018.  The Quiet Man Edition

If anything could better demonstrate that the primary election is the real election for most offices in Wyoming than the non campaigning currently going on, I don't know what it would be.  Almost nothing at all has been going on since the primary in virtually all of the races. And indeed, why should anything be going on? They're over.

The Tribune did run an article on the race for the U.S. Senate on Sunday which was interesting.  Gary Trauner is a known name and you would think that the Senate race would be noisier.  Trauner wold apparently like it to be as he's complaining that Barrasso wont' debate him, other than one scheduled event.

Barrasso's declination on debating is wise.  He has nothing to gain from it and he's almost certainly going to win.  Quite frankly Barrasso doesn't come across well at all as a speaker except on rare exception (I saw him speak once at a Boy Scout event where he was very comfortable and came across very well, for example).  Indeed, at least according to the Tribune he's been making appearances in Wyoming but they're basically unannounced, which keeps them from being really focused on.  He's always returned to Wyoming on every occasion that allowed.

The Tribune's article was fair to both sides and noted that the Senate has been very busy, which is obvious.  Of interest in the article, however, was that Barrasso apparently did worse in the primary for his position than any candidate in Wyoming's history.  He still took 64.9% of the primary vote in the GOP primary but apparently that's worse than the incumbent normally does.  Dodson took 28.5%.  Far fight wing candidate Holz took 2.6%, which was worse than the 4% that went to others.

Dodson was very well funded and made a serious run at the office and normally that would be a good thing for Trauner, but I don't expect Trauner to do much better than Dodson, and I doubt that Trauner does either.  Trauner came within .5% of beating incumbent Barbara Cubin in 1988 in the U.S. House race and that has to be weighing on his mind.  Absent a real gaff by Barrasso, he'd be lucky to get 30% of the vote.  But he might get that.

Indeed, Barrasso is vulnerable on some things, particularly his poor stance on public lands.  If Dodson had chosen to keep running as an independent, as he originally had planned on doing, this might be a really noisy and different race at this point.

October 10, 2018. The They're Still Running Edition.

This thread has grown so in active that a person might reasonably assume that the election is over, nothing is going on, or the author has grown tired of politics.

Hmmm. . . ..

Well, anyhow, the race has been pretty quiet, or races I should say, but some things are going on and those things are debates.

Apparently the various candidates, including the third party candidates for Governor, had a debate recently, although I didn't hear it and only watched read about it in the Tribune.  The Tribune's article wasn't enormously informative, but did indicate that what distinguished it was that Liz Cheney emphasized her actual record while the other candidates spoke on their general platforms.  As she's the only one who has held office, that makes sense.

I did listen to the Gubernatorial candidates debate that was held at Casper College, on the radio, on October 19. It was quite interesting.

I can't say that there were any enormous surprises associated with it, but there were at least some minor ones.  Mary Throne, who I have heard speak personally at a public function I was at, did much better as a speaker than the one time I heard her, and like her closing remarks emphasized, she didn't shy away from stating some positions bluntly that are likely to be unwelcome locally, which is to her credit.

Mark Gordon also performed a little better than he did in the primary debates.  Gordon doesn't generally come across as a great speaker, which of course not everyone is, but his performance in the debate was better than it had been in the primaries.

The real surprise in the debates was Libertarian Larry Struempf.  Struempf's campaign has been so silent that I had a hard time finding him and even a Libertarian website doesn't list him as a candidate.

Struempf is holds a PhD and works a computer professor for Laramie County Community College.  In response to questions from the panel he frankly came across much more like a middle of the road leaning left Republican rather than a Libertarian.  Listening to him, exactly one of his answers was really of a Libertarian nature.  The rest weren't. For example, at least twice he suggested that Wyoming needs to raise property taxes.  On a question relating to firearms carry at the University of Wyoming both he and Throne deferred to the school on the question, but he did so more succinctly than Throne.

If Struempf was a surprise, Rammel, at least by the end of the debate, was not.  Rammel conceives of himself as the only conservative in the race and seems to genuinely believe that only he can save the state and its people from "becoming blue", and that he's the last bastion preventing a liberal takeover of the state.  He went after Gordon a couple of times in the same fashion that Harriet Hageman did in the debates, but in a much less polished fashion, accusing him of being a secret liberal.

All in all, the debate was well done and refreshing.  Having said that, I remain disappointed by the failure of the panelist to ask certain questions.  There were no questions directly on public lands, which remains a hit issue with voters and which I'd like to hear Throne, Gordon and frankly Struempf, discuss.  And there was no discussion on hot ticket social issues, which with the recent rightward shift of the United States Supreme Court may become relevant to the next Governor of Wyoming fairly quickly.

On national shifts, those listening to the national news and in particular the national news programs would have noted that it's now believed that the GOP may pick up Senate seats next month but that there's an 80% chance the Democrats will take the House, so we'll be in for a divided Congress.  That the GOP would pick up seats is a big change in Republican fortunes and is apparently a result of the Kavanaugh hearings. That would mean that the Senate would remain favorable to President Trump's appointments for the remainder of his term.  It would also mean, with a divided government, that probably next to nothing would get done otherwise.

Maybe.

Or maybe not.  The murder of Jamal Khashoggi by Saudi agents inside of the embassy in Turkey seems to be working a real shift in Congress.  While the President remained equivocal about who was to blame for what early on, Republicans in the Senate have not and over the weekend they were making it plain that they would be part of a bipartisan effort to sanction Saudi Arabia in some fashion and that they had very little care or concern about the President's view of the matter.

Occasionally, although it is rare, a big event like this cause Congress to rediscover itself and while its far too early to tell, there is some reason to believe that if the Republicans and Democrats in Congress unite over Khashoggi, and they should, that they may rediscover their authority and each other and begin to function again.  It remains to be seen, but the degree to which they were making it plain that they had no doubt over matters and were prepared to move forward was indeed interesting.
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