Friday, September 14, 2018

Hardcore Conservatives and the Wyoming Electorate. Getting things completely wrong.

Wyoming's first elected Democratic Governor, John E. Osborne, who was elected in the wake of the Johnson County War scandal.  Osborne would contend again in later years, including during World War One.  His rise due to a land and money issue is telling and echoes to the present day.

I was just going to update the existing blog topic on the Wyoming election with this, but instead, rather than clutter that up any more than it already is, I thought I'd just do this one as a new election issue post. (Actually I started this post some time ago).

There's a pile of crying and whining right now by "conservatives" about how the Democrats ruined the GOP primary by registering to vote in it as Republicans late in the day, thereby throwing the election from True Blue (um Red?) Conservative Foster Friess to that secret liberal Mark Gordon.  We now know, of course, thanks to some analysis down at the University of Wyoming, that this isn't actually correct. We posted on that the other day:



September 12, 2018.  The election wasn't stolen edition.
From University of Wyoming Senior Research Scientist Brian Harnisch's Twitter feed, and as followed up on by the Casper Star Tribune:  
Sure doesn't look like "Democrats meddled" in the Wyoming Republican primary. Instead - A few Democrats, more independents, and even more Republicans wanted a say in who governor will (or won't) be.  
 Sep 10 


Well, perhaps in some really concentrated in time way of looking at things there might have been a little bit of truth to that such that it could have been believed, but perhaps not as well.  And now we know it isn't correct.  While it might be true that some people who have of late been registered as Democrats and, moreover as Independents, moved to the GOP to vote for the primary the truth of the matter is that in the long view of Wyoming politics what this really does is tend to return to the GOP its members who were usually there and, at the same time, make the fortunes of the Democratic Party, as an institution, even worse.  Indeed, now we know that the primary simply brought out Republican voters who were previously staying away from the polls, and that's hugely significant.


The entire concept that Friess would have won but for late Democratic switchers is highly flawed in every sense. Wyoming doesn't really have that many Democratic voters anymore in the first instance and, while there were only 9,000 votes between Gordon and Friess in the general election, it was never safe to assume that 9,000 Democrats switched to vote for Gordon.  At most it appears that only 1,801 could have.


As we've already noted, what may have actually occurred is that Harriet Hageman ended up drawing the really  hardcore right wing of the GOP away from Friess. . . she certainly wasn't drawing that group away from Gordon, and that torpedoed Friess.  Friess, for his part, probably picked up some Galeotos voters when Galeotos' campaign was clearly imploding during the last few weeks.  For that matter, Gordon almost certainly picked up a lot of voters when Galeotos 1) played the "I"m going to help Trump card; and 2) imploded.  Voters who really like Trump, and I frankly think his popularity in Wyoming is grossly exaggerated, went to Friess at that point, while voters who are repelled by Trump, which includes a lot of rank and file Republicans, moved to Gordon.  In the meantime, dormant Republicans, who were never of the Tea Party type, came back to the polls and didn't want the extremism that some of the GOP candidates were offering up, or the Southern style conservatism that others were offering.

So the entire "my election was stolen" crying and whining by some hard right Republicans was always pretty devoid of evidence.


In the long and short historical view, a better argument is that the GOP was stolen by well monied tea party elements and now the original owners of the party returned and whuped up on the thieves.


And that's because Wyoming isn't a conservative state.


Not one like that.


Some of this point would be better informed by anyone who cares to read it, if I had first published a thread on Wyoming's voting demographics that I haven't gotten around to pushing yet, but as this post is now topical, I'll just try to make some sense of it here.  But if Wyoming's voting history is looked at, there's never been a point when its been conservative in the "look, I have a red sign" category.  All politics is local, we're told, but Wyoming's is more local than most.


Indeed, localism, informed by a sort of regional agrarianism, is really the them of Wyoming politics.  Wyomingites are conceived of as conservative as they take a "leave me alone" approach to most things. But they aren't terribly conservative as to everything else.  Indeed, for people who have some strong social conservative views, and I frankly do, that's often a matter of frustration.

Joseph M. Carey, who had been a Republican but who ran as a Governor due to his disagreements with Francis E. Warren, and then went on to be one of the organizers of the Progressive Party.  Carey is the only Governor of Wyoming to have been a member of a third party.


And this is also the reason that Wyoming has had a lot of Democratic Governors including at least one spectacular example of a Republican who crossed to Democrat who crossed to Progressive Party, and went back to Republican, Joseph Carey.  If Wyoming has great governors, and there's a few who can be argued to be in that category, Carey is undoubtedly one of them.  So would Nellie Tayloe Ross be one, and of course she was a Democrat.  Most Wyomingites with a sense of history would include John B, Kendrick (Democrat) and Ed Herschler (Democrat) in that category.  Indeed, in the list of governors who would be considered really great governors of Wyoming, only Stan Hathaway really makes the list as a GOP example.  Some would include Francis E. Warren, also a Republican, as well.  But by the same token, at least one of our recent truly forgotten Republicans was a conservative who somewhat foreshadowed at least one of the candidates who took a run at the office this past year and whom probably nobody would regard as a great governor.

John B. Kendrick, who followed Carey as Governor.


The fact that there's been so many Democratic governors in a state that's been overwhelmingly Republican since day one really says something.  And it would have said something, potentially, had Friess won, and in my view certainly would have said something if Hageman had won, this cycle, as Throne may have, or would have, become the next governor under those scenarios.  Gordon taking the GOP nomination means that Throne likely can't win, as most voters will go to him.

Democrat Nellie Tayloe Ross. Ross was bizarrely called in as example by one obviously historically clueless Harriet Hageman supporter this last election.  Ross was a Democrat and went on to be the Director of Mints for Franklin Roosevelt.


But most Wyoming voters aren't Tea Party types and aren't exactly what really hardcore conservatives think they are.  Indeed, on some social issues Wyomingites have consistently been in the center left, which a candidate like Friess really isn't grasping.



Courthouse in Jefferson County Texas. When I was there a couple of years ago the general election was about to be held, which explains why all the signs are on the front lawn.  It was the first locality I was in which it seemed possible to me that Trump would actually win the general election, which came from listening to comments in the local Port Arthur Starbucks.  Foster Friess seemed to have a campaign that was aimed at Deep East Texas, not Wyoming.

The political ethos of Wyoming, from the native prospective, is basically "leave me the heck alone". This often gets mistaken for libertarianism, but it isn't that either.  Generally Wyomingites have a live and let live view of the world which doesn't equate to the liberal ethos of "tolerance" so much as it equates with "stay out of my business".

Highly respected Governor Ed Herschler, receiving a Stetson from F. E. Warren's cavalry recalling honor guard.


This is why it has so often been the case that both liberals and conservatives have badly misjudged Wyoming voters and why outsiders nearly always do.  Wyomingites tend to hold deeply conservative values on many things but don't feel that this really means that politics have much to do with any of that.


They also tend to be highly agrarian in an old sense that modern politicians have a really difficult time grasping.  This places them quite often on the hard left and hard right of various political questions all the time, which most Wyomingites do not feel is an inconsistent thing to do.


If we look at this in practical application, we see how this really tends to be missed by politicians and parties at anyone time.  Indeed, the political demographic that most Wyomingites tend to resemble, with one significant difference, is the Southern Yeoman class of the late 19th Century.  A fact not grasped at all by political demographers.


This past election gives us a good example of how all of this worked.


Two of the candidates were quite vocal about their religious faith, those being Hageman and Friess.  Friess is some sort of Evangelical Christian.  I don't know what Hageman's religious affiliation actually is and it was never apparent from her advertisements even though they cited a strong faith. 


Now, as I've noted before, I have a post in the hopper on demographics and the Wyoming electorate and it will address religion as a factor, so I'm not going to go into depth with that here, but what I will note is that Wyoming has historically and through out its history been one of the least religious states in the United States.  I'll go into that deeper later, but the reason that I'll note that is that religion tends to strongly inform two minority, but significant, Wyoming populations (Catholics and Mormons) but doesn't weigh heavily into the views of many others.

That doesn't mean that a lot of Wyomingites aren't religious, but what it does mean is that religion doesn't tend to enter politics in the same way that it does in other states.  And while most Wyomingites are Protestants, there isn't one dominant Protestant denomination in the state and never really has been.



St. Mark's Episcopal Cathedral, Laramie Wyoming.  There was a time during which the Episcopal Church could have been regarded as the most politically and civilly significant in Wyoming, but at the same time it was in the United States in general.  Even then, it did not dominate in the way that it did in other localities, although having said that there was a time when being Catholic in Wyoming meant hard economic times for professionals.  Today the fortunes of the Episcopal Church have enormously declined everywhere and that has reflected back to Wyoming. Casper, for example, has two separated Anglican churches in addition to the Episcopal churches.

And that's significant in that while Wyoming is conservative as a state, what this has tended to mean is that a sort of "none of your business" ethos creeps into a lot of social issues in Wyoming.  Politicians who tend to assume that social issue are hot button issues in the state tend to be wrong and this is even the case among some deeply religious voters.


The classic example of this is the topic of abortion.  I'll be perfectly frank that I am opposed to abortion and think it wrong in every sense. But in the Wyoming legislature this has never managed to be a really hot issue.  An ultrasound bill sponsored by Chuck Gray was successful in the recent legislative session but that's the first such bill to be passed into law in Wyoming in a very long time and may tend to reflect a national trend.  Having said that, this may in fact reflect a really significant change in views that may start to reflect itself in future legislators.  All of the Republican candidates for Governor were careful to state they were pro life, with Friess emphasizing it.  Barasso challenger Dodson was much cagier about his views, expressing the traditional weasel out words of being concerned for all the parties involved.


Previously a lot of Wyoming Republicans were very careful to state that they were opposed to abortion but didn't want to interfere with women's decisions, etc. etc., and similar positions held by Democrats have not hindered them from obtaining office in the past.  Again, I'm opposed to abortion personally and think it a real issue, but it has generally not been a major topic in Wyoming's politics.  I suspect that if Roe v. Wade were stricken or modified that Wyoming's law would reflect that, but I also feel that's part of a nationwide trend.  And I think that trend would express itself in Wyoming at this time, in that event.


Views on homosexuality have been more strongly held by Wyomingites but not in the way the national press would have it.  It's almost certain that most Wyomingites opposed the legalization of gay marriage when it was forced on the country by the United States Supreme Court but its much less certain what the state would do now. I think that if Obergefell were to be reversed Wyoming's old law would just pop back into place and the state would be comfortable with that and leave it as it is.  I also think that most Wyomingites resent on some level the Supreme Court simply overriding the state on an issue like this.


But when it comes down to homosexuality itself the state has long had a "just leave me alone on what you're doing" view.  Indeed, the huge irony of the entire Matthew Shepherd murder becoming a cause celebe is that Wyoming was actually highly tolerant towards homosexual conduct in that sense.  Nobody particularly cared much about it as long as you weren't being forced to approve of it, a common Wyoming view on almost everything.  The Shepherd murder has been grossly misinterpreted for political reason as an act of community violence against homosexuals when it was nothing of the sort whatsoever.  Roughly at the same time as the Shepherd matter I represented somebody in something where the opposing side sort of silently thought my client's open homosexuality was an issue and could never get more than a big yawn from everyone on the topic, the common Wyoming view.

The reaction of the state to something like Obergefell actually tend to reflect a bit of something else, however, which is the "you can't tell me what to do" view which is strongly held by Wyomingites. That, and our provincialism, explained our delay in making the national Martin Luther King Day a holiday here and our making it Equality Day when we did.  It wasn't that Wyomingites had something against Martin Luther King. Rather, and wrongly, they felt that he didn't have anything to do with us really, and so why were we being made to do something?


As an old example of moral issues in Wyoming politics, there was once a member of the legislature who rose high up in it and then went after pornography.  That basically doomed his anticipated run for Governor.  People weren't backing pornography, but it just seemed that it was a bit much to base your campaign on it let alone introduce a bill addressing it, as he tried to do and which pretty much torpedoed his later chances.


Perhaps the best example of this is one that never comes into campaigns but which demonstrates the general viewpoint, prostitution.  I've lived in pretty much the same county, except for periods of time out of it in my adult years for various reasons, my entire life, and during that time I don't recall a single instance in which there was not a known house of prostitution in the county that everyone knew about and ignored.


Now prostitution has always been illegal here, but it's also been pretty much openly tolerated as long as it wasn't flaunted.  Indeed, at one time Casper had a very open red light district that more or less did flaunt it until it spilled out of the district, when there would then be reactions.  That district, the Sand Bar, was in its dying days when I was a kid, but was still around.  When it closed its business was shift to other locations.  One of those was an establishment near the airport, Tokyo Message, which carried on business for decades.  Everyone knew this.  When it was raided and closed in the last decade it was a huge surprise, not because prostitution was going on there, but rather because it was hard to figure out why it was suddenly subject to having the law enforced.


Not that raiding Tokyo Message ended prostitution here.  It didn't.  It ended Tokyo Message.  Prostitution carries on.  The point is that almost everyone knows about this and agrees that prostitution is wrong, but almost nobody really feels that there's pressing need to address it.


Therefore, candidates like we just saw in the last election who ran on their outward Christianity weren't going to really get that much traction with it.  There are, no doubt, a lot of devout Protestants who may care if a person claims a faith or not, but there are more who are not likely to care that much, and many more who are Christian on some basis but don't base their votes too much on that.  The two demographics that are likely to really inform their votes through their Faith, moreover, aren't the ones that people openly campaign on.

Frank Barrett, a Republican Governor who was a Catholic and who I think may have been the first Catholic Governor in the state.  If you look up his Wikipedia bio, you wont find that mentioned as it likely wasn't mentioned much during his campaigns.


Indeed, that's also something worth noting.  There's never been a Wyoming politician who boldly declared during a campaign that they were Mormon and it'd be likely that would work against them if they did.  I do think that the Mormon faith is a having a politically notable influence on voting in some districts and even on certain issues, but it's not openly noted very often.  Likewise, there's never been a Wyoming Catholic politician who ran on being a Catholic, even though several have in fact been elected.  Early in the state's history that was one Irish immigrant politician who was a practicing Catholic who took steps to diminish his outward connection with the faith even while remaining adherent to it.   There have been to date two Wyoming candidates who were devout Greek Orthodox, including one of the just failed candidates, and you'd have to hunt that information down to even know that.   A long time very successful Wyoming candidate from my county was a practicing member of the Jewish faith and I can't even recall that ever coming up in a conversation regarding him.


Likewise the conservative assumption, still rampant post election, that Wyomingites hold radical views on the Federal government is totally misplaced.


Truth be known, most Wyomingites are aware of and comfortable with the Federal governments role in the state, which puts them in the middle or even the left in regards to that.  Wyomingites are overwhelmingly opposed to transferring public lands from the Federal government to the state.  Indeed, I'm sure that played a role in the votes received by both Gordon and Friess, both of whom were opposed to that, and why Hageman was not successful.



Indeed, the real Tea Party elements in the state seem to either be just incapable of acknowledging the reality that money talks, and transferring the public lands to Wyoming would result in their wholesale vending to big money elsewhere, or they live in the farm belt of the state where there isn't much public land and they have different interests than most people in the state, or they're from somewhere else and just don't get it.  That showed in Hageman's votes, which were very concentrated by county and show an element of that.  

This places, however, most Wyoming voters somewhere on what we'll call the "green" scale, green being the traditional color of agrarian parties.  They aren't read or blue.  And on this issue, that's a good thing. They're voting their interests, and those interests are value driven, not money driven, which in contrast, for all its talk of "freedom" and the like, Libertarians in this state tend to come down to (ie., "we'll all make boatloads of cash if only the government gets out of our way").

This, by the way, is also pretty demonstrable by the fact that the state loves Federal highway money.  Truth be known, I highly suspect that most Wyoming voters would be thrilled if the state took Federal Medicare money in the amounts that were offered to it, and we don't grasp why we said no on a matter of odd principle.  But then the last couple of legislatures has been highly Tea Party influenced.

It'll be interesting to see if that ends.  This election might have been a watershed.  Thousands of new Republicans registered to vote and the evidence is that the public lands issue may have brought them in. They aren't Tea Partiers by any means.

Review of 12th Division by Maj. Gen. Henry P. McCain, September 14th, 1918, Camp Devens, Massachusetts.


Thursday, September 13, 2018

The M1918 Browning Automatic Rifle used in action for the first time. September 13, 1918.

2nd Lt. Val Browning, son of John Browning, the legendary firearms designer. By the wars end three out of four of the standard small arms weapons in the infantry would be Browning designs.

On this day in 1918 the Browning M1918 Automatic rifle was first used in combat.

It certainly wouldn't be the last time.  Probably nobody knows the date that occurred, if it has, but the last time the US used it in action was probably in the 1960s, as it remained in front line service in the Marine Corps well into the Vietnam War.  National Guard units were still being issued the BAR in the mid 1970s.  Armies equipped by the United States no doubt had it that long as well, and perhaps somewhere around the world its still seeing some use today.



Which is because it was such a fantastic weapon. . . or maybe it was in spite of it being an awful one.


Saying something like that, of course, really requires an explanation.  And to explain it requires a context.

The BAR was designed to be an automatic rifle. In the photos immediately above we see it as it was designed to be, a selective fire (originally) rifle that could be used as an individual weapon to put down a barrage of walking fire.  And it was very good in that role.  The role, that is, of being an "automatic rifle".  It was so good at that role, in fact, that soldiers defeated its later role as a light machinegun by reconverting it back to its original sans bipod configuration.

And, if you've kept up on this blog, or otherwise are familiar with the US's combat experience in World War One, you can see why a weapon like that would have made a lot of sense.  The US was trying to sprint over the deadly space of "No Man's Land" and take enemy trenches, ultimately at close quarter.  An automatic rifle would be really ideal for a role like that, even if it meant, in the case of the BAR, issuing one that was extremely heavy.

US infantrymen in heavy pack.  Soldier on left carries a Chauchat, by all accounts one of the worst automatic weapons any fielded to any army.  He is also wearing his garrison cap under his helmet, which can be seen near the back of his head.  The soldier on the right carries a M1903 Springfield rifle, the barrel of which is barely visible on his right.

But that role was a short one in the U.S. military, and indeed in most militaries that had a similar weapon.  And there were other weapons in that role.  Indeed one of the worst weapons of World War One, the Chauchat, was designed for the same role.  But even at that time a competing series of weapons, light machineguns, were on the battlefield and were rapidly supplanting automatic rifles.  The British, for example, never fielded an automatic rifle but rather fielded two separate light machineguns, the Lewis and the Vickers.  The Germans fielded a "light", but not very light, version of their MG08.  Those crew served weapons were better able to lay down a barrage of sustained fire than any automatic rifle.



So after World War One the U.S. Army, pleased with the M1918 Browning Automatic Rifle, had the selective fire option eliminated from production and had the weapon retrofitted with a bipod.  It was re-classed, at that time, as a light machinegun, tactics having moved in the direction of a lmg being a squad support weapon.  For cavalrymen, however, a separate version, ostensibly somewhat lighter, and featuring a bipod at the muzzle and a monpod on the butt, was introduced as a "machine rifle", with it being given the designation of the M1922.  In 1937 the gun was redesigned slightly and became the M1918A1.  Improvments continued as World War Two loomed with the eye towards making the weapon a better light machinegun and it on June 30, 1938, the M1918 A2 was introduced, with there being orders to upgrade all existing stocks of the M1918 and M1918A1 to that configuration.  The M1922 was declared obsolete before World War Two began, but none the less stocks of them remained and during the war they were issued to Merrell's Marauders as light alternatives, to the M1918A2.

Soldiers of the U.S. Army training with the M1918 A2 BAR (and without hearing protection) during World War Two.

The BAR in both versions were in service when the US entered World War Two, as noted, with the M1922 on the way out.  The M1918A2 BAR as a light machinegun remained, but quite rapidly soldiers assigned to the weapon instinctively reverted it to its original role and configuration as an automatic rifle.  Typically they removed its bipod and flash hinder as weight adding unnecessary elements.  The Marine Corps, huge fans of the BAR, began to issue it two per squad as well, anticipating the latter modern issuance of the current M249 "automatic rifle".

Heavily laden Marine with BAR during World War Two.  This is almost certainly a M1918A2 but it has had its bipod and flash hinder removed.

By World War Two it was pretty obvious that the BAR was not the best light machinegun in the world.  It was hindered in ammunition capacity from being a bottom loading weapon, unlike the top loading Brno light machinegun that is arguably the best lmg ever designed.  Like most light machineguns it also had a permanently affixed barrel which is something that designers began to reconsider in that role with the German introduction of the dual purpose MG34 and MG42 machineguns.  Nonetheless, it soldiered through the war and on into the next one, the Korean War and the service found itself ordering additional supplies of them, reflecting wartime losses and post wartime disposals of existing M1918A2s.  The Royal McBee Typewriter Company supplied the last BARs to the military during this time frame.

Helmet-less U.S. Army soldier firing M1918A2 BAR in Korea.  This soldier has removed his bipod from the BAR.  He's also in distinctive Korean War era winter gear, including the L. L. Bean designed "shoe packs" that came in during World War Two.

Following the Korean War the US planned on replacing the BAR as the US went to the GPMG concept introduced by the Germans during World War Two.  The US had no plans to put the US GPMG, the M60, in the BAR's role but rather planned to place a heavy barreled M14 rifle in that role, as the M14 began to replace the M1 Garand. And in fact the Army started to do that before problems with the concept, which should have been obvious from the onset, prevented it from being completed.  That light machinegun, the M15, was practically stillborn although it was in fact adopted.

The M14 Rifle, the intended replacement for the M1 Garand which did in fact replace it in the active duty branches of the Army and Marine Corps, and the M14A1 which had already replaced the M15 and which was replacing the BAR when the Vietnam War broke out and production of M14 rifles was stopped. The M14 was an excellent rifle.  The M14A1 was a pretty bad light machinegun.

Nonetheless, when the Army deployed to Vietnam in the early 1960s it was the M14A1 that went with it, not the BAR.  BAR's, however, were supplied to the ARVN.

South Vietnamese soldiers equipped with a BAR and a M2 carbine.

And the Marines retained the BAR. They liked it so much that they kept the BAR well into the Vietnam War where it served alongside the M16A1 and the M60.  I'm not aware of whether the Marines were ever equipped with M14A1s, but if they were, they didn't use them. They liked the BAR so much they kept using it, even after the M14, which they also greatly loved, was taken from them.

In the Army, the introduction of the M60 and the M14A! did not actually mean that the BAR completely disappeared, even if the Army did not use the BAR in Vietnam (or at least not much), and instead attempted to use the M14A1 and then went to a designated M16A1 (which was particularly bad in that role).  In the Army Reserve and the National Guard the BAR continued to serve into the mid to late 1970s (it was in service at least as late as 1976 in the Guard).  This reflected the fact that small arms in the military were in a real state of flux from 1960s forward.  The M15 was never made in sufficient quantities to replace the BAR and it self was replaced by a heavy stocked version of the M14 which was never made in large quantities either.  The M14 was soon challenged in the rifle role by the M16 and the M16A1 in Vietnam, and production of the it was stopped before there were adequate numbers for the reserves. The M1 Garand therefore carried on into the early 70s when, in the Guard and Reserve, the Garand was replaced with the M16, which now existed in large quantities.  The BAR kept on until it was basically replaced, at first, with the M60 in the late 1970s.  In the early 1980s the M249 5.56 machinegun was introduced at the squad level in the Army and it ultimately supplanted the M60 in that role, making its way into the Guard in the late 1980s.

Which of course doesn't mean that the BAR disappeared everywhere overnight.  BARs were supplied to a lot of American allies and clients, and they were manufactured by other nations.  Belgium's FN, for example, introduced the last variant of it, one with a detachable barrel, some of which went to Middle Easter nations.

By that time they were well obsolete.  But maybe they were by the late 1920s for that matter. As a light machinegun, it was never ideal.  As an automatic rifle, it excelled.  Its record was quite mixed.

The U.S. 2nd Cavalry conducts a cavalry attack, September 13, 1918.


Insignia of the 2nd Cavalry Regiment.

On this day in 1918, the 2nd Cavalry conducted a cavalry attack as part of the offensive at St. Mihiel.

The details can be found on the excellent Road To The Great War blog here:
Roads to the Great War: The AEF's Sole Cavalry Attack: The 2nd Cavalry at St. Mihiel [Ed. Note: The men of the four American cavalry regiments that were sent to France usually found themselv...
The attack was a small scale one, conducted by Troop F of the 2nd Cavalry, and was somewhat in the nature of a running cavalry patrol.  Troop F. was lead by Captain Earnest Harmon, who would go on to be a figure in the post war occupation of Germany, and then be a notable World War Two armored officer.

The attack is sometimes considered to be the only one conducted by U.S. Cavalry during World War One, which is somewhat debatable.  Indeed, it's debatable if it was a true attack, in the charge sense, at all, but it was certainly a mounted advance.  It was not, however, the only one conducted by American cavalrymen during World War One.

The 2nd Cavalry was notable in and of itself for being one of the only U.S. Cavalry regiments, and some sources say the only U.S. Cavalry regiment, to deploy in its entirety to the France during World War One. Again, that claim is debatable.  The 2nd Cavalry also provided the first troops to land on French soil during the Great War as troopers from the 2nd escorted Gen. Pershing to France.

And it was already later. . .

From the Casper Star Tribune:
Last month, because pressroom operations had become unsustainable, the Star-Tribune made the decision to close its pressroom in favor of printing at a regional printing plant in Cheyenne. One of the many important issues we considered in making this decision was what to do about high school and UW sports coverage. We know this coverage is important to readers across Wyoming and one reason many subscribe to the state-wide newspaper. So we decided to do whatever it takes to include information that is critical to the value of our newspaper to many readers. 
Sports reports and scores are typically not available until after our first deadline. So including this important coverage requires later deadlines, and subsequently later production and delivery to your door on those days, typically fall weekends.
Oh yeah. . .that printing in Cheyenne isn't going to make any difference.

It's been slower every day now in general.  Indeed, on early days, and my early days start really early, it isn't making it here before I go to work.  But then most days it does.  Still, it's now rare for it to be on my doorstep when I wake up and stumble to my coffee.

And it appears that it will be later still. . . and it was already late on the weekends.

Views from "Y" 82, Camp Sevier, South Carolina. September 13, 1918.



Today In Wyoming's History: The Neiber State Stop, Washakie County Wyoming


Wednesday, September 12, 2018

Wednesday, September 12, 2018

Mid Week At Work: How to Retire in Your 30s With $1 Million in the Bank


How to Retire in Your 30s With $1 Million in the Bank

Which is exactly what the individuals who are the subject of this article did.

It's interesting how  this article reads. There's a subtle "what a bunch of slackers" tone to it. But there's a lot to consider here.

And it interestingly comes at the same time that there's been some press on how Baby Boomers of the Woodstock Generation were converted into the Reagan Republicans of the late 70s and the 1980s.  That same generation now routinely complains about Millenials who don't have the same fanatic level of devotion to work.

There may be some real changes going on.  This article is interesting, but they're basically spending down their principal by eating their interest, once the impact of inflation is considered.  That may very well not work out long term.

But I hope that it does.

Roads to the Great War: 100 Years Ago: The St. Mihiel Offensive Is Launched

Roads to the Great War: 100 Years Ago: The St. Mihiel Offensive Is Launche...: American Troops Advancing Into the St. Mihiel Salient —Montsec in Distance Where: Southeast of Verdun When :  12-16 September...

The 100 Days: The American Army offensive at Saint Mihiel. September 12, 1918.


On this day in 1918 the United States launched its first full scale offensive operation as an American Army.  The U.S. First Army launched the St. Mihiel Offensive.


We've read about this a little bit already, in that the operation was the subject of an argument between Foch and Pershing. As we've noted, in our view, Pershing was wrong and Foch was right. . . the offensive that Pershing was planning had become obsolete.

The offensive that was launched was a compromise plan that Foch could accept and which left the U.S. First Army intact.  It involved an offensive operation in the original direction planned by Pershing but which featured a hard right turn thereafter, incorporating somewhat of the plan envisioned by Foch.  In some ways, the most remarkable aspect of the plan was the commitment to a massive redirection of forces following the offensive to which the Americans committed before it was commenced. The details for that action were the product of of the remarkable mind of George C. Marshall, then a staff officer on Pershing's staff.

American engineers during the St. Mihiel offensive.

On this day the U.S. First Army launched a threefold assault on the remaining part of the St. Mihiel Salient, which the Germans had already begun to plan to withdraw from and which they had in fact commenced to do the day prior to the assault.  The Germans had occupied the area since 1914 and had densely prepared defensive positions.  Attached to the U.S. Army were four French divisions in addition to fourteen American divisions. The US alone committed 550,000 men to the assault with the French contributing another 110,000. The Germans, who had already committed to withdraw from the salient, numbered only about 50,000 men in ten divisions, about half of whom would become causalities in the attack.

Colonel George C. Marshall in 1919.

Air support for the assault was massive, with 1,481 aircraft committed to it, about 40% of which were piloted by American airmen.  The remainder were British, French and Italian.



The assault, in part because of the massive disproportionate nature of the contesting forces, and in part because it caught the German army in the midst of a withdrawal, was instantly successful and exceeded expectations.  Having said that, the operation was also a well planned combined arms attack and it featured the highly aggressive nature of American arms in the war which was shocking at the time.  Objectives were achieved within the first two days at which it was halted in anticipation of the planned offensive at the Meuse Argonne.

The battle was the first one in which American forces fought in an American Army, rather than associated with an army of the other allies.


Tuesday, September 11, 2018

The Germans commence to withdraw from the St. Mihiel Salient. September 11, 1918.



It made strategic sense. The salient was a projection into the Allied lines.  Occupying it would have made sense as a toehold for an advancing army, but for one that was retreating and simply trying to hold its place, and some order, holding it no longer did and in fact exposed the 50,000 German troops in ten divisions to being cutoff.

The decision had been made a few days prior, and the Germans put the withdrawal in action on this day, commencing their plan to withdraw from the salient and shorten their lines.

The American Serviceman During World War One: They were older than you think.

Or at least some of them were.

Dan Daly being awarded a French decoration during World War One.  Daly was born in 1873 and had entered the Marine Corps during the Spanish American War in 1899, at which time he was 26 years old.  He won his first Medal of Honor during the Boxer Rebellion.  He would have been 45 years old at the time he won his second Medal of Honor during World War One.  He'd serve on until age 56 and then retire, dying at age 63 in 1937.  In some ways, Daly is emblematic of the NCO core of the time.

It's really common to read the statement about all soldiers being "young" during World War One, and certainly there were a lot of young soldiers who fought in the Great War.  But they may not have been as uniformly young as a person might assume.

Let's start with a few facts about the armed forces of the United States during the second decade of the 20th Century.


The service offered retirement, however, to an enlisted man at the time who had served for 30 years. The period and system was similar for officers.  Retirement after 30 years was at 75% of base pay, not a bad retirement for men, and they were all men, who were used to their existing level of pay.

To understand the impact of this, you next have to consider that the enlistment age for military service had been higher than it is today until just before World War One.  In 1875 Congress had acted to pass the following provisions regarding military enlistment in the Army:
Sec. 1116. Recruits enlisting in the Army must be effective and able-bodied men, and between the ages of sixteen and thirty-five years, at the time of their enlistment. This limitation as to age shall not apply to soldiers re-enlisting.
Sec. 1117. No person under the age of twenty-one years shall be enlisted or mustered into the military service of the United States without the written consent of his parents or guardians: Provided, That such minor has such parents or guardians entitled to his custody and control.
Sec. 1118. No minor under the age of sixteen years … shall be enlisted or mustered into the military service.
So enlistment was allowed down to age sixteen, but only with parents permission.  And enlistment was allowed up to age thirty five.

In 1899, in the wake of the Spanish American War, Congress changed Sec 1116 however to provide that you had to be eighteen years to enlist, and that still required parental approval.  It wasn't until 1916 that Congress changed the statutes so that parental approval was no longer required for those eighteen years of age.

If this seems odd, it frankly fit the concepts of adulthood at the time, and it oddly squares with the current psychological concepts of when somebody is fully adult.  At the time, and we've addressed this elsewhere, most men lived at home until married and even though many men left home for work prior to twenty years of age, many did not and lived at home. Barring enlistment under your own volition until age twenty-one made sense, just as originally allowing enlistment down to age sixteen under some circumstances did as well.

Put in context, therefore, most soldiers who had served long enough to retire were in their early 50s.  They had to retire at age 64, which was the maximum age a serving soldier could be at the time.

This was changed during World War Two to expressly try to weed out older men, particularly officers, who were regarded as no longer sufficiently mentally flexible for modern warfare. But that was to come later.  During World War One the 20 year retirement period for early retirement was in the future.  Barring injury, career soldiers had to serve 30 years in order to retire or make it to 40 years to retire on full pay.

That meant, therefore, that for soldiers who had enough time in to retire in the year we've been looking at, 1918, had entered the Army in 1888.

But another way, that means career soldiers who were eligible to retire had entered the Army prior to the Battle of Wounded Knee, which is generally regarded as the last significant battle of the Indian Wars (it's not the last battle).

Artillerymen of Wounded Knee, 1890.

By way of some examples, John Pershing, commander of the AEF, had entered the Army after attending West Point in 1886.  Douglas MacArthur, who was considerably younger, had entered the Army in 1903.

Captain John J. Pershing in 1902.  At this point he had already been in the Army for eighteen years.

Now, as we've already discussed, the size of the Army prior to World War One was tiny, so this only applies to a small number of the men who served in the service in the Great War (although we must also consider the Navy and the Marines in this as well.  But it is significant.

U.S. officers in Cuba during the Spanish American War, including Dr. Leonard Wood, in a combat command, second from right (Theodore Roosevelt far right).  Wood would later be the military governor of Cuba and was widely regarded as the logical commander for the AEF.  His association with Roosevelt certainly operated against that.  Wood had entered the Army as a contract surgeon in 1886, which was the norm for military surgeon's at the time, and had won the Medal of Honor for carrying dispatches 100 miles in the campaign against Geronimo.

If we look at the National Guard the situation gets much murkier.  There was no retirement for National Guardsmen at all until just prior to World War Two and, therefore, there was little reason to stay in the National Guard for thirty years, although many did.  And Guard units were much looser in adherence to age limits, so they not infrequently allowed enlistment of underage soldiers all the way up until just before World War Two. So that changes our consideration quite a bit, as the National Guard was a significant part of the Army during the war.

Hugh Scott, who was Army Chief of Staff at the start of World War One and who had to retire upon reaching age 64.  He was born in 1850 and had entered the Army in June 1876, meaning that he had actually entered the Army just before the Battle of the Little Big Horn.

So were draftees.  Conscription brought huge numbers of men into the service during the Great War, although only to the Army.  The other services did not draw conscripts.  The original conscription ages were from age 21 to 31. This was changed later to age 18 to 45.  Voluntary enlistment ages comported in expanding upwards.

Now, these points can be overdone.  Most men who joined the Army as enlisted men did not stay in it, serving a single enlistment.  They may have been older, on average, than men who enlisted after the enlistment age became 18, but just like those men now, they usually didn't make a career of it.  But at the same time, the Army was smaller then and the up or out system that exists now, did not exist then except, to a limited extent, for officers.

And most men who came into the U.S. Army, Navy and Marine Corps during World War One did so solely for the duration of the war. They had no intent to remain in the service at all.  And those who came in via the draft, and that was the large majority, were scaled towards the lower age, intentionally, rather than the higher age.  So most U.S. servicemen during World War One were undoubtedly in their twenties.

Still, that's significant. . . and not only for WWI but for later U.S. wars as well.  Contrary to widely held belief, the U.S. military isn't usually made up of "kids".  Teenage combatants have certainly existed, but they are not and never have been the rule.

For what its worth, the Army has in recent years nearly returned to the WWI, and WWII, upper age limits for enlistment and in some ways we see the age story of a century ago repeating.  The upper age limit for the Army is now 42, two years younger than what the Army asked for, which was age 44.  That's fairly amazing, but it shows that the average condition of people in their 40s is often better than it was in prior decades when chronic injuries took their toll.  Indeed, while we have pointed out that people really aren't living longer than they used to, as is so often claimed, they are often quite a bit healthier than they used to be due to medical advances and other factors.

I'm sure that would have been an illegal order. . .


but at least one order quite similar to that was in fact issued by the American high command during the war, although it wasn't quite what this notes, but it was quite near it.

And trouble was breaking out in the German ranks. . . .

The English Clerical Speakers, September 11, 1918.


Anglican bishop Charles Gore (1853-1932) who came to the United States on September 11, 1918, for a speaking tour with Arthur Thomas Guttery (1862-1920, the Bishop of Oxford.

Arthur Thomas Guttery (1862-1920), President of the Primitive Methodist Conference who came to the United States on September 11, 1918, for a speaking tour with Charles Gore (1853-1932), the Bishop of Oxford. 


Two English clerics were in the US on a speaking tour and their photos probably says much about them in direct and subtle ways.

Scenes from the Stockade Tower at Camp Camp Sevier, S.C. September 11, 1918.




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Sunday, September 9, 2018

Monday, September 9, 1918. The news in Casper. Old Indian Fighter back in town. . . Debs goes on trial. . . French cavalry on the move. . . State Guard assembles in town. . .Corn crop low. . . and Ruth hits a triple to give the Sox the World Series


A lot was going on in this paper.  Battles new and old, and on the baseball diamond.

Issuing Red Cross sweaters at Fort Oglethrope, GA to men of the 6th U.S. Infantry. September 9, 1918.


This photo really says something about how short on resources the US really was. The Army had an official pattern sweater. . . but it was relying on charity here to equip the men for the oncoming cold months.

"The Boche spotted this truck A few minutes after this truck, which had ventured out for salvage, had appeared on the roads near Blanzy the Boche followed it with shells all the way back to Fismettes. The "funk-holes" are occupied by our soldiers, a few of whom have come out to ascertain the cause of this latest commotion. 77th Division, Blanzy, Sept. 9, 1918."



Note the legs of horses in the distance.

The old transportation and the new.