Showing posts sorted by relevance for query "illiberal democracy". Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query "illiberal democracy". Sort by date Show all posts

Saturday, July 2, 2022

Illiberal Democracy. A Manifesto?

There's something really scary going on in American politics.

The left doesn't seem to grasp it, and most of the rank and file on the populist right that are advancing it are only dimply aware of it.

Relatively recently, we ran an item on illiberal democracy.  Illiberal democracy is something that most Americans have never heard of, including those who are supporting it right now.  But it's not only being advanced, it's coalescing into a defined movement, and it seems clear that there's plenty of people in it who aren't worried about democracy at all, as they look at democracy as liberal democracy and regard it as illegitimate.

And just recently, some of those backing this view, issued a manifesto.

It states:

Okay, first we'll note, what the heck are we doing linking this entire thing in this way and quoting it. Shouldn't we just link this in.

Well, we intend to comment on this at length, quite frankly.  This is important in the context of our times.

Let's start first with the back end, who the singers are.  I don't know most of them, rude peasant than I am, but I do some.  Here's the complete list:

Michael Anton
Hillsdale College Kirby Center
Hillsdale College
Spectator
Hillsdale College Van Andel Graduate School of Government
Center for the Renewal of Culture (Croatia)
Daily Wire
Conservative Partnership Institute
National Review
Edmund Burke Foundation
Internet Accountability Project
Modern Reformation
Conservative Partnership Institute
Election Transparency Initiative
Hoover Institution
Conservative Partnership Institute
Hudson Institute
New York Post
American Conservative
American Conservative
American Reformer
European Conservative (Austria)
Hudson Institute
Merion West (United Kingdom)
Nazione Futura (Italy)
Asia Times
Project 21
Edmund Burke Foundation (Israel)
Newsweek
Trinity Western University (Canada)
Edmund Burke Foundation (Israel)
National Review
Troy University
Federalist
American Greatness
Nasarean.org
New Criterion
Turning Point USA
Claremont Institute
Daily Wire
Center for Immigration Studies
Jagiellonian University (Poland)
Ethics and Public Policy Center
Upheaval
Intercollegiate Studies Institute
Washington Times
Conservative Partnership Institute
Claremont Institute Center for the American Way of Life
AMDC Films
UnHerd
Georgetown University
Mathias Corvinus Collegium (Hungary)
Danube Institute (United Kingdom)
Danube Institute
New Founding
Zephyr Institute
Futuro Presente (Portugal)
New Direction (Poland)
European Centre for Law and Justice (France)
Claremont Institute
First Things
Townhall
Manhattan Institute
Center for Family and Human Rights
American Moment
Common Sense Society
American Moment
Regnery Publishing
Air War College
Be The People News
Founders Fund
Center for Renewing America
Edmund Burke Foundation
Liz Wheeler Show
Claremont Institute
Boise State University

Now, if you are like me, most of those names you don't recognize, but some you probably do, if you are  follower politics, in any event.

And that's interesting in and of itself.

Note some of the names.

Mark Meadows, the former advisor to Trump whom we now know, unless you refuse to believe the testimony of his aid, sat largely on his hands during the recent coup attempt, and who at first cooperated, and then ceased cooperating, with the January 6 Committee.  According to at least one report, his aid was the recipient of one of the "you know what to do" texts, and that Meadows was the source of the instruction, received second hand.

And then there's Rod Dreher, crabby columnist and author of The Benedict Option, who at one time was regarding Western Society as basically a nearly lost cause, and therefore advocating for the aforementioned option. He's known to be fascinated with Illiberal Democracy, and featured prominently in the attention conservatives are now giving to Viktor Orbán.

And we have Victor Davis Hanson, the historian, farmer, and conservative columnist. I love his historical works, but as a columnist he's been hardcore in the Trump camp in an unyielding fashion.

And there's also R. R. Reno, the editor of the excellent journal First Things, but who recently gave an interview that was mildly sympathetic with the views of Patrick Dineen, who regards Liberal Democracy as a failure.

Now, not all of these people are ones that I'd put in this interesting group.  A lot of them are just conservatives.  But that some are in this group, and are prominent in it, is interesting, and telling.

Let's switch to another name for a second, that of Lauren Boebert

Now, nobody is going to believe that Boebert is an intellectual heavyweight.  Far from it.  But she is a well known populist figure right now, and she accordingly shows up in populist shows, like the recent Hageman rally in Casper, Wyoming.  Boebert recently stated:
The reason we had so many overreaching regulations in our nation is because the church complied. The Church is supposed to direct the government, the government is not supposed to direct the church.

That is not how our Founding Fathers intended it. And I’m tired of this separation of church and state junk. That’s not in the Constitution, it was in a stinking letter, and it means nothing like what they say it does.

Boebert, because she's in the news, got a lot of attention for saying this, but she's not unique in having said something like this recently.  A Southern women candidate recently declared that in her state, the church was the state, which is quite a bit more radical than what Boebert stated.

How does this related to "National Conservatism"?

Well, maybe it doesn't.

But maybe it does.

What can be said is this. For the first time since the 1850s we've reached a point in our political discourse where there's one, maybe two, political views that regard the other as wholly illegitimate.  Those espousing illiberal democracy hold that view. All democracy, they argue, must take place within a set of shared, and dictated, beliefs and philosophies.  The drafters of the statement on "National Conservatism" come close to saying that.  Some of them pretty clearly believe that.  Only in that context can you admire Viktor Orbán (or Putin) and only in that context does an effort to overturn a legitimate election make sense.

In that context, we'd note, at the rank and file level, much less justification of the underlying tenants is even necessary.  The political opposition simply became the enemy, whose views are not to be taken seriously, and whose votes don't really count.
Lots of current underlying politics, moreover, makes more sense in this context.  The loss of jobs and the constant ongoing influx of immigrants, for example, takes on another aspect if jobs have been exported to nations that don't share our culture and if the incoming immigrants, in at least some cases, do not share that culture either.  The danger of a reaction to immigration was always present in the post Ted Kennedy immigration regime, as prior to that nearly all immigrants in fact did share the same European based culture.  "Diversity is our strength" has been stated a zillion times, but there's really no evidence whatsoever that this is true and to a large degree average people never believed it.  As the blue collar world has undergone massive change, that was bound to develop into a crisis point.

So too are all of the recent left-wing assaults on ancient institutions.  Radically changed official views on gender, very little of which is based on science, was bound to upset at a street level, and people who have a fundamentally much more traditional view cannot help but react to it.

All of this is consistent with traditional conservatism, we'd note.  But one thing that conservatives in office were always prone to do was compromise, which the populist feel is betrayal.  Compromise does mean that things have continued to move, and largely leftward, up until very recently.

So now we have not only a split in the Republican Party, but there's something deeper going on.  Part of the party does not so much believe that Trump won the election as it does that Democratic votes, coming from the left, were illegitimate by their very nature.  They're looking for a different kind of country.

When Robyn Belinsky stated, in the recent Wyoming Congressional debate, in a muddled babbling way, that "we're not a democracy we're a republic", and then went on to some nonsensical statement about the states, she was trying to seemingly articulate, at the street level, this view.  The states, some now hold, can overrule a national election in the ultimate example of state nullification, in those instances in which an election isn't true to an overarching set of agreed cultural principles.

No doubt, not all of the signators to the document trying to usher in a National Conservative movement hold this view.  Many are probably just deeply conservative, and most conservatives would agree with most of the principals.

But underlying the times there's something else going on.
Related Threads:

Illiberal Democracy.

Tuesday, November 15, 2022

Can real conservatism exist without authoritarianism?

By SanchoPanzaXXI - Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=3415994.  Francoist Span's coat of arms.   The motto means "One, great, and free".

Look at Wyoming GOP right now, and you would have to assume that the answer to this question must be "no".1

And frankly, buying off on election theft myths and mutually reinforcing propaganda aside, there's some reason to think that.  That's basically what Patrick Deneen of Harvard has warned of.  He's the author of Why Liberalism Failed, a major work criticized heavily by the mainstream press, as we've previously noted, and adopted by current conservatives.  Yale's snippet on the book states, as we also previously noted:

Has liberalism failed because it has succeeded?

"Why Liberalism Failed offers cogent insights into the loss of meaning and community that many in the West feel, issues that liberal democracies ignore at their own peril."—President Barack Obama

"Deneen's book is valuable because it focuses on today's central issue. The important debates now are not about policy. They are about the basic values and structures of our social order."—David Brooks, New York Times

Of the three dominant ideologies of the twentieth century—fascism, communism, and liberalism—only the last remains. This has created a peculiar situation in which liberalism’s proponents tend to forget that it is an ideology and not the natural end-state of human political evolution. As Patrick Deneen argues in this provocative book, liberalism is built on a foundation of contradictions: it trumpets equal rights while fostering incomparable material inequality; its legitimacy rests on consent, yet it discourages civic commitments in favor of privatism; and in its pursuit of individual autonomy, it has given rise to the most far-reaching, comprehensive state system in human history. Here, Deneen offers an astringent warning that the centripetal forces now at work on our political culture are not superficial flaws but inherent features of a system whose success is generating its own failure.

Now, Deneen did not state that we needed to elect an orange haired Duce  whom we "must work towards" in order to impose the proper order upon society.2  At least, I don't think he did, having not read his book.  And the essence of what Deneen apparently states here, as summarized by the Yale review, is correct.  Political liberalism "trumpets equal rights while fostering incomparable material inequality"  It also "discourages civic commitments in favor of privatism; and in its pursuit of individual autonomy, it has given rise to the most far-reaching, comprehensive state system in human history."

All that is true.

Perhaps more disturbing is that liberalism/progressivism has unmoored itself from any sort of external greater force.  Depending upon how you view it, it either takes the position, basically, that man can vote on his own private wishes, and God must endorse them, or that individual desires are paramount and nature must bend to and accommodate them.  There's no possibility of unity in any of that, and it's deeply anti-nature. There's not even the possibility of a society functioning that way, on a long term basis.

So, given that, is it the case that conservatism must assert itself, by force?

That seems to be the conclusion that Orbán and a host of Eastern European leaders have concluded.  They're willing to tolerate democracy, but only if certain things are universally agreed on first.  And that sort of top-down directive nature of government, as long as it seems conservative, is the reason so many Americans of the MAGA persuasion, like Tucker Carlson, have been Putin cheerleaders.  It's also the reason that CPAC has swooned over Orban and has come very close to adopting his Illiberal Democracy point of view.  And it's the sort of point of view, sort of, that lead the Edmund Burke Foundation to adopt a "National Conservatism" manifesto this past June.

But it's also deeply illogical.

The basic core of real conservatism, indeed any political philosophy, is that it's right.  And conservatives believe they're right on two things, social issues and economic ones. . . well conservatives who have completely bought the package believe that, there are plenty of people who believe in one of the two tenants of conservatism and not the other.

But ironically, in believe that they are right, real conservatives, have always believed that man is flawed, and it's best to rely on tradition and what we know of science to guide us.  Old time conservatives, quite frankly, in the Buckleyite era, tended to be elitist, and proudly so. They were well-educated, at least at the upper levels, and didn't take their beliefs from the masses.  Indeed, often they assumed they were a permanent minority that could influence heavily, but was unlikely to rule.

We should note here that populist, at least right now, are fellow travelers of conservatives, but their views aren't really the same at all.  Populist tend to believe that the mass of people have some native instinct that's right because they have it.  It's thin on education and tends not to trust elites of any kid, because they ain't elite.

Basically, five guys in a corner drinking Budweiser, and lots of it, are presumed to know more about just about anything, to current populists, than five theologians or conservative philosophers.

And of course, in various circumstances, populists can be extreme rightist or leftists.  Early Soviet Reds were basically a  type of populist.

Note the irony of the illiberal democracy point of view.  Conservatives believe they're right, but they also believe, if they are illiberal democrats, that the attractions of progressivism are so strong that they'll overwhelm those truths unless they're enforced by force.

The current right, basically, believes that if offered dessert over dinner, kids will east dessert first every time.  Put another way, the current American right believes that given a choice, everyone is going to opt to be transgendered and there's no argument against it.  None at all. So people have to be forced to comport with what 99% of humanity already does naturally.

Progressives have believed something similar for decades, which is why they sought to enforce their beliefs through the courts. The basic concept was to enforce their beliefs through liberal courts and either plan on that enforcement indefinitely, or hope that people would get used to the enforced change over time and accept it.  Conservatives took the opposite view, at least up until recently.

This is what the recent battle of being "woke" is about.  Truth be known, hardly anyone anywhere, as a large demographic, has been in favor of things that may be defined as "woke".  But the courts enforced wokism, or at least opened the doors and windows for it. So, for example, you have Obergefel redefining what love means and the ancient concept of marriage, and soon thereafter "accepting" transgenderism is a major societal push.

Illiberal democrats argue that we should simply close the door on these arguments via fiat.

The problem with that is twofold.  No bad idea ever goes away in darkness. That's why the goofball economic theory of Communism rose up in autocratic states.  Bad ideas, like viruses, die in the sun.

Secondly, it presumes that your own arguments, while right, just can't compete.  Arguments that can't compete, however, can't compete ever.

Now, the way that Illiberal Democrats would probably put it is that the truth has been established but corruption, unleashed by evil, is always there to take things down.  In some ways, this view is an elitist one, even though populist that have adopted that are anti elites and don't know that (which is part of the reason that currently conservatism and populism may ride on the same bus, but they aren't the same thing).  Basically, this view at some level, openly or simply instinctively, takes the position that regular people are like children.3

Enforcing conservative via fiat has never worked.


Ask Marshal Petain.

The French political right has never recovered from Vichy, and it basically lost its ability to really influence anything.  

The Trumpist wing of the GOP is taking the Republican Party in that exact same directly.  If it keeps going this way, you can guaranty that Gender Queer is coming to a school library near you, pretty freaking soon.

There's a much better way to go about this.

And what that is, is this.

Conservatives should make their argument, and in making it, take a page from their Buckleyite past.  When accused of being elitist, embrace it.  Football players in the NFL are elites.  The Green Berets are elites.  Accused of being an "elite", lucky you.  Say you are, and as an elite, you know better.

Adopt Western Society, but its great thinkers and lights.  Donald Trump isn't one of them.

Don't try to be populists, populists can come to you.

Don't eschew science. Science is science and it aims at the truth.  If you reject it, your chances are better than not that you are favoring myth over reality, and dangerously so.

Realize that cultural conservatism doesn't equate with capitalism.  Capitalist are after the money.  You are after the culture.  Confusing the two sews the seeds of destruction.  Things that are deeply conservative, in real terms, are often anti-capitalist.

Embrace democracy.  You aren't always going to win, but you can always argue your point.  Arguing your point is trying to convince.  Forcing your point via fiat is a concession that you can't win through persuasion, as your argument is weak.

For a few minutes there, before Trump' narcissism spawned his coup, and the Supreme Court returned to the rule of law, you really had something.

You're blowing it.

Footnotes

1.  Based upon the most recent proclamations of the Central Committee, you also have to be deeply anti-scientific and an adherent to wacky conspiracy theories.  If you ever wondered how a rational German could have believed that the Jews were responsible for all of Germany's ills of the 20s and 30s, well just look at how the Central Committee thinks that Bill Gates and George Soros are messing with the state's energy sector.

2.  "Working toward the Führer" was a primary ethos of Nazi Germany.  Hitler didn't come up with all the bizarre beliefs and policies of the Third Reich on his own, his acolytes developed many just trying to figure out what Hitler would do if he was working on the topic. The Trumpist wing of the GOP has pretty much picked up on that sort of thing and worked towards Trump, who in turn has worked back towards them.

3.  The irony of this is that quite a few members of these movements have already eaten the desert.  If their underlying foundation is really meant, and they have, for example, adopted any aspect of the Sexual Revolution, which frankly most Americans have, they're hypocritical.

Related Threads.

Illiberal Democracy. A Manifesto?