Friday, October 30, 2020

Douthat and the deeply conservative, but anti Trump, Republicans

Ross Douthat, the conservative New York Times columnist that people either love, hate, love to hate, or hate to love, has written an October 24 column that neatly sums up what a lot of people are struggling with in conservative camps.  Written as semi self satire, the article approach the Trump candidacy from the position of a true, Ivy League, blue blood, conservative who really doesn't support Trump, never has, but who is tortured by the fact that if you set the man aside from his demeanor, there really are reasons for conservatives to support the President's campaign for reelection.* The question is if they outweigh the reasons they perceive for not doing so.

Presented as a debate with his internal muse, Douthat looks fairly at those reasons.  His article is definitely worth reading.  Subtitled "A voice in my head makes the case to re-reelect the president", he does just that, while concluding that he's not voting for Trump.

Douthat puts those reasons as follows, starting off amusing ly this way:

Last Sunday this section was turned over to essays making the case against the re-election of Donald Trump. I read all of the pieces, and found more than a few points with which I disagreed. But my commitment to contrarianism only goes so far: Fundamentally I agree with my colleagues that Trump should not be …

Heyyyyyy — you aren’t even going to let me make a case here?

Excuse me?

Douthat goes on to note, in much greater detail than I'll summarize them here, the Presidents accomplishments, from a conservative position. Those are:

1.  He cut immigration rates.

2.  He created a looser monetary policy.

3.  No new wars.

4.  The beginning of a withdrawal from Afghanistan.

5.  Supreme Court appointments.

Douthat acknowledged all of these things in varying degrees, but still comes out against Trump in the end for reasons he sets out.  As noted,  it's well worth reading.

I don't know who Douthat is voting for, as I don't read his column regularly.  As The New York Times has a paywall, and as I choose not to be a subscriber of the Grey Lady, I couldn't, although I would, if I could.  I briefly subscribed to the NYT podcast The Argument, of which he's a feature, but as I'm over subscribed on podcasts, I dropped back off.  Off hand, I think he's said some nice things about the American Solidarity Party, which has received some conservative anti Trump endorsements this year. Rod Dreher, for example, has been saying nice things about them.  The ASP provides a protest refuge for conservatives as its opposed to abortion, but if it were doing better in the polls it wouldn't receive much conservative support, as it also has what is basically an open door immigration policy.  Douthat has written a book with another conservative commentator about the future of conservatism, which he sees going in another direction in the future, but I haven't read it (his muse torments him in the article for its low readership, which is probably self deprecating as it is, in fact, highly regarded).   

Douthat, now 40 years old, stands as good of chance as being the next William F. Buckley as anyone. 

Basically, Douthat's position is that Trump's failings as a President and as a human being outweigh his plusses, even when he acknowledges them.  But this does point out, as noted, the problems that  true conservatives presently have in disregarding Trump too freely.

Trump has cut immigration rates which some on the non political left argue remains at an environmentally destructive rate and many on the non political left argue remains at an economically destructive rate for the country.  This is something that the overwhelming majority of Americans support addressing, but the Democrats, naively believing that all immigrants are future Democratic voters, which is true in the near term, definitely oppose. Ironically, as most immigrants also come from more traditional cultures they're helping to fuel a turn towards cultural conservatism that Democrats seem to fail to be unable to recognize, and when they gain sufficient economic strength, they turn away from Democrats, something that is a pretty clear trend, but oddly unrecognized. Be that as it may, the present population of the country really can't harmlessly endure the current ongoing immigration rate, which isn't a left right matter, but an economic and environmental one.

I don't grasp anything about monetary policy but Douthat does note that the economy was doing well before the virus and that no one President or person can be blamed for the pandemic, although Douthat condemns Trump's handling of the pandemic. As I don't know much about monetary policy, and tend towards economic views that don't fit the right tor the left well, I'll just leave that there.

Voters in 2016 did want out of the ongoing wars and didn't want to get into new ones, and like it or not, Trump has lived up to that.  President Obama, on the other hand, very much did not.  Take that for what its worth.  Personally, my view is that we shouldn't leave Afghanistan until we've won, which nobody ever said was going to be easy, and which Donald Rumsfeld should receive the blame for poor planning on.

Finally, the liberal direction of the Court had gone on to various degrees since the 1960s and it really did need to be addressed.  Over the past 50 years the Court's been converted from a real appellate court to a societal arbiter of supreme nature, which has reduced respect for the Court.  Trump's picks, which were really Mitch McConnell's filtered through the Federalist Society, has gone a long ways towards addressing that.  Joe Biden promises to reform the Court, but any reforms that the Democrats are likely to support are likely to disastrous.  The Court needs reformation (age limits and a reduction in size would be a good start), but the type we're going to be offered isn't going to help much if anything, and likely won't get through for that matter.

So what are conservatives to do? Basically, Douthat argues that Trump is so indecent he must be let go.  

That argument has been made before, but not really as cogently as Douthat makes it.  Other conservatives have made the indecent argument, and tied it to other things, but not in a synthesized overall argument like the youngish columnist from the Times.  Douthat argues that Trump's behavior is so corrosive that long term gains for conservatives will be overshadowed by a society wide taint that will be overall deterimentative for years to come.

Indeed, Douthat is already on record to some degree that this is the case, having been the author along with another conservative of a book on the future of the GOP, which they argue must be rebuilt.  In his column, while acknowledging real conservative gains over the past four years (some of which, the Court in particular, are very real, even unprecedented gains).

Here we should accordingly turn to history, I suppose, and see if it supports his argument.  The results are mixed, but there is reason to credit him.

Perhaps the most dramatic, and disturbing, examples are those of the European right wing, non fascist, political parties that existed prior to World War Two.  There were quite a few.

If we can characterize those parties, which were all national, not pan European, in character, they were all deeply conservative, tended to be monarchical in sympathies, and tended to support traditional institutions in their countries even if individual leaders of those parties tended to be poor examples of adherence to them in some occasions.  They were also quasi populist in nature, and often tended to hold up agrarians as examples of national character even while, oddly enough, they were not agrarian parties.  Indeed, at the time Europe had a lot of national agrarian parties that were parties of the left in some significant ways, and not in others, but which were unique unto themselves.  Those parties outlasted most of the pre war European conservative parties, but not all of them.

The reaction of these parties varied during the European crisis.  Some of them, like Fianna Fail, the Irish nationalist party, sailed right through period without impact, but also without becoming entangled in compromise with other forces.**

Spain and France, however, give us much different examples.  In France there existed deeply right wing political parties prior to World War Two. Those parties tended to favor monarchy and tended to be anti democratic, neither of which is the case for any branch of American conservatism.  They were not fascist parties, however.  During World War Two they came to power in the Vichy regime and ran it.  Following the war, while there was a French right, it was forever tainted by its compromise during World War Two and its never really overcome it.  Strongly right wing populist movements exist in France today, but when they achieve much notoriety they begin to get associated with their pre war predecessors to their detriment.  To at least some degree, that's kept them from returning to power.

This is also true of Spain, where right wing parties were allied with Franco throughout his long dictatorship. That fact has kept them essentially out of power, no matter what their overall views may be, since Franco's fall. Right wing Spanish political parties still exist, but they're marginalized as a result of their Francoist past.

In Germany, of course, World War Two had a permanent detrimental impact on the pre war right wing parties.  Many just died due to their cooperation with the Nazis during Hitler's rise to power.  Perhaps the fact that Hitler put an end to rival parties so quickly after he became Chancellor kept conservative German parties from dying altogether, and in fact conservative German politicians who had escaped Nazi Germany and spent Hitler's time in power in exile formed the government from May 1949, when the Federal Republic of Germany was formed, until 1968 when they lost power in that fateful year.

The mess of Italian politics gives us, however, an example where seemingly nothing was changed by the war and what it meant.  Italy retains "neo fascist" political parties as well has heavily right wing parties, regional parties, and radial left wing parties.  None of them seem to be effective at anything.  A niece of Mussolini has been a fairly successful Italian politician in recent times in spite of being a fascist and a former pornographic actress.  So go figure.

Turning to the United States, perhaps a more analogous example can be found in the Democratic Party, ironically enough. The Democrats were the nation's conservative party during much of the 19th Century and it was the party of slavery and the South.  Its association with both heavily damaged it following the Civil War but it never ceased to exist.  It didn't even reform, and by the late 1870s, it was back as a fully functioning national party.  Reform to the Democratic Party didn't come until the 1890s, when it started, and it took until the Civil Rights Era and beyond, all the way until the 1980s, for Southern Democrats to no longer be associated with a sort of heavily tainted, populist, and racist, conservatism.

Before Republicans take too much comfort form that latter example, however, it must also be kept in mind that the early 19th Century saw the destruction of numerous American political parties, including those that had been very major parties, due to their inability to keep a cogent identifiable central position.  Parties like the Federalist and Whigs rose in power, had Presidents, and then collapsed virtually overnight.  That example is one that current Republicans have reason to be worried about, and some are.  Efforts to keep parties like the Whigs together after they lost a central theme were impossible, and new parties, including the Republican Party, spun out of their collapse.

So what does a person take from the examples of history?

Well, perhaps not surprisingly, association with a negative does impact a political party, but often only seemingly briefly, and sometimes not at all.  Given that, the GOP cannot be expected to evaporate, but suffer for an election term or two.  Probably less than predicted right now.  It'll reemerge different from what it presently is, but perhaps surprisingly less different than some would now predict.  

Deep traumas, however, are usually, but surprisingly not universally, game changers and some deeply held positions are permanently lost, or lost for a long time.  I.e., there aren't any serious German or French monarchist anymore, and there haven't been since 1945, but the Southern Democrats didn't reform for over a century.  Is Trump that deep of trauma? Right now, that would depend upon who you listen to, but history would suggest probably not.

Anyway we look at it, it's safe to assume that the GOP of 2022 isn't going to be the same as the GOP of 2020, or at least that's my prediction, anyhow.  My guess is that it will be younger, and much more philosophically conservative, and probably less populist.  It's leaders, and probably Douthat is in that category, will start to really emerge next year.  Time, of course, will tell.

*Douthat is a Harvard graduate.  His father is a New Haven, Connecticut lawyer and poet.  His mother is a writer. A maternal great grandfather was the Governor of Connecticut.

**Fianna Fail  had the advantage, in this regard of being in power in Ireland throughout this period.  

October 30, 1920. Drum Major, Imitating Mother, the Australian Communist Party, and Parking

 

On this day in 1920 the Saturday Evening Post's cover was graced by a J. C. Leyendecker illustration of a band major.

Usually scenes like this were topical, but this one was clearly not.  In October the only kids who would be wearing the old fashioned (dare we say it) "wife beater" type of t-shirt would have had to live in the deep South, as the cool weather would have set in everywhere else. And at this time of year, bands weren't marching.

Judge had a classic scene, now probably regarded as un-woke, of a little girl mimicking her elders conduct, something that still occurs, acknowledged by society or not.

Also on this day, the Australian Communist Party formed.

It's little remembered today, but the Australian Communist Party, which dissolved in 1991, was a powerful party in its day.  Some credit the Irish Australians and the Catholic Church, of which they were members of stemming it tide, although certainly that was only partially true, and while the party dissolved in 1991, lingering left wing resentment is credited by some with the charade of a trial delivered to Cardinal Pell which was later overturned, something that will stand with the Dred Scott decision in the United States as a shameful national blight on a nation's legal system.  The party went into a steep decline after the full horrors of Soviet Communism started to be revealed after World War Two, although strongly left wing sentiments in some Australian political parties remain.



Blog Mirror: Savory Sweet Venison Meatballs in an Apple Cider Cream Sauce

Savory Sweet Venison Meatballs in an Apple Cider Cream Sauce

Blog Mirror: USDA’s Cutting-Edge Methods Help Deliver a Victory Against Asian Giant Hornet

 USDA’s Cutting-Edge Methods Help Deliver a Victory Against Asian Giant Hornet

Wednesday, October 28, 2020

Mid Week At Work: Biological services supervisor retires after 28 years of state service to wildlife

 I don't usually do these in "real time", so to speak and more often than not they feature some occupation from the past, in keeping with the supposed focus of the blog.  But I just thought this was interesting:

Biological services supervisor retires after 28 years of state service to wildlife

A couple of random thoughts.

I thought this way of summing up the subject will miss about his job, by the subject, was a nice way to do it.

“Being back in the truck driving home talking on the radio with everyone — after working in the field from sunrise until dark.— that’s what I’ll miss the most,” Woolley said. “No one will understand that feeling unless you did it.”

I'll be that's right.

The other thing that struck me is that he's retiring after 28 years.  He started part time in 1992, as a graduate student, and went full time in 1996. So his retirement years include his part time service while still a graduate student.

If I use the same measure, I've been working at my current occupation for 31 years.  I never actually calculate it that way as lawyers have to be admitted to the bar to be lawyers, and looked at that way, I just went over 30 years a couple of months ago.

It's interesting in that 30 years in an occupation is regarded as unusual by some, usually people who aren't that far into a career.  I know lots of lawyers who have 40 years into careers, and have known those who had 50.  Indeed, lots of lawyers just don't retire and maybe, instead, slow down.

There's some open speculation as to why that is.  For one thing, state and Federal retirement works on the old fashioned pension model that's become increasingly rare in modern times as we evolved to a savings based retirement system.  Lots of people, even with good incomes, never feel secure in their savings and for good reason.  Beyond that, lots of people really don't make what people presume that they do.

Anyway you look at it the headline was a bit of a shock to me.  I'm not anywhere close to retirement and this fellow, who has to be at least three years  younger than men, has retired.

Maybe. We never really know what people actually do when they retire.  I've known one fellow whose tried to retire three times and never really managed it.  

And as somebody with livestock. . . well you never really retire.

Anyhow, it's a nice article.

Amy Coney Barrett as a Mirror

Judge Laurence Silberman, for whom Barrett first clerked after law school, swearing her in at her investiture for the Seventh Circuit.  https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Amy_Coney_Barrett#/media/File:20180223_185543_NDD_5533.jpg  CC BY-SA 4.0view termsFile:20180223 185543 NDD 5533.jpg Created: 23 February 2018

Yesterday we published this item about long term demographic trends in the U.S.

The Conservative Tide?

Um, correction, we published those about long term demographic trends on Earth, and how that will, and already is, impacting culture..

Following that news, Amy Coney Barrett was confirmed to the United States Supreme Court.

This is interesting in the context of itself, as well as the context of what we were writing about.  Barrett is, in some ways, a mirror on where we are now, and where we're going.

She's also a mirror on how we view democracy itself, at an existential level.  Are we for it, or against it?

Barrett's nomination angered and upset the old order liberal establishment.  She appeared to be what liberals have really feared over the years but never had to really fully face, at least since the death of Scalia.  A legal genius who is a textualist.  And here, in a Twitter exchange between two U.S. Senators, who can see the upset distilled and refined.

First, Senator Ed Markey, a semi freshman Senator (he started finishing John Kerry's term in 2013 before being elected to his own first full term and had a long stint in Congress) from Massachusetts and then the reply from Nebraska Senator Ben Sasse.

Markey, who made it to Congress for his freshman at age 67 (he's now in his 70s) although he did have a prior term as a Congressman from Massachusetts from 1976 until 2013.

Ed Markey@SenMarkeyOriginalism is racist. Originalism is sexist. Originalism is homophobic. Originalism is just a fancy word for discrimination.1:22 PM · Oct 26, 2020·Twitter for iPhone
Sasse, on his second term and still in his forties.

Senator Ben Sasse@SenSasseReplying to u/SenSasseActually, “originalism” is another way of saying that texts and words have meaning. That's not to claim that all texts and words from 1789 were correct – but that when they need to be changed, they should be changed by elected legislators, not unelected judges.4:55 PM · Oct 26, 2020·Twitter Web App

First of all, it must be stated that Markey' statement is so blisteringly ignorant that it should disqualify him from voting for dog catcher.  This is dumb beyond belief.  It's not only partisan, it's just outright stupid.  The fact that Markey has a law degree from the Boston College of Law is proof, as if any is needed, that you really don't need to know anything about anything in order to graduate from law school.

You also apparently don't need to know the Constitution or care about the truth of it.  Markey has been in Congress since 2013

It also shows that the oath of office that Senators take is regarded as a complete joke by some. The oath states:

I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; that I take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion; and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which I am about to enter: So help me God. 

I know that it's hoping against hope, but there should be a point at which the violation of your oath of office has an implication, with that properly being that the Senate should refuse to continue to seat you.  You're an oath breaker in your office.  You should go. 

Sasse isn't a lawyer, and is a PhD, so there's apparently some hope for other disciplines yet remaining.

Of interest, Markey, who joined the National Guard while in college, which he says wasn't to avoid service in Vietnam, and who made it to Specialist E4 after five years of National Guard service, was born in 1946.  Sasse in 1972.  Markey is a reliably left wing politician who just made it to the US Senate, after a long career in the House. Sasse is a very independent Republican who is on his second term.*

In other words, here we see the prefect example of what we wrote about yesterday.  An aged, and now nearly irrelevant, East Coast Boomer politician is stating absolute idiocies about the Constitution, and being corrected by a post boomer respected, and more experienced at the Senatorial level, Mid American politician.

In the reaction to Barrett we're seeing a lot of this, although savvy politicians of all generations avoided it.  Long term political survivor, for example, Dianne Feinstein just flat out didn't go there, and for good reason.  She's taking a lot of whiny heat for her decision not to, but given her long history in politics, she's adept at reading the Washington tea leaves and avoided committing forced errors in the second Barrett confirmation she participated in.

The real complaint on the left, to the extent they've been able to express it, is expressed in terms of "she's going to take away our rights", ignoring the fact that it takes five Supreme Court justices to do anything and if Barrett is reliably a textualist there's only one other actually on the Court.  But beyond that, what the real fear is that the Justices will stop making stuff up and send things back to the states to be voted on.

That fear is based on something we all know to be true. The Constitution doesn't cover all that much.  If it isn't in there, it really is left up to the states.  Liberals fear that the American people simply aren't as liberal as they are.  So they don't want these things voted on.  Its not the Courts taking away their rights that they fear, but rather a declaration that they aren't rights and therefore they aren't protected by the Constitution, and are free for legislative address.  

Liberals have real reason to fear that, to be sure, because the evidence is pretty good a lot of state legislatures would in fact not recognize a lot of things that the Supreme Court has said are rights over the years.  But that's the thing about democracy.  People don't always see things the same way you do.

Indeed, they often don't.

Indeed, the recognition of this by humorist and social commentator Garrison Keillor, who is openly left wing also brought a firestorm of criticism from his own fellow travelers.  Keillor made a comment about some things just not worth ripping the country apart for anymore, and included abortion among them, and then was subject to aggressively negative comments.  Keillor's suggestion was that the country could tolerate the states deciding their own way.   That brought the classic argument used when somebody can't think of something to argue about from some on the left, which was to turn on accusations that Keillor acted inappropriately to women on his staff.**
Garrison Keillor was accused of bullying and humiliating women on his staff and no one should be shocked that he continues to be anti-women. . . 
Lyz Lenz, former columnist for the Cedar Rapids Gazette. 

I don't know the details of the arguments about Keillor, but that reply is just weird.  What Keillor stated isn't anti woman, and what we'll note below here should be obvious, Barrett is a woman.

Anyhow, at the same time, this also means that Liberals have become acclimated to an elitist view of government over the years, with the Supreme Court serving as a Platonic council of elders.  They liked the idea of the wise, symbolized by the late Justice Ginsburg, declaring things for the less benighted.  

The problem with that is that if you accept it, you have to accept it Soviet style.  I.e., if the Politburo says one day that we're friends of the Third Reich, we are, and if later it says they're our enemy, they are. No asking questions.

So you really can't ask a legislative body to appoint only benighted elders who are enemies of legislators. That makes no sense.

Indeed, in order for the Court to really work the way the left would have it work, the Court would have to be appointed by itself, something nobody is really willing to do.

Which is in part why court packing, as backed by AOC, is such a dumb idea.  Some upset Democrats would have the next Senate pack the Court.  This presumes that the next Senate will be Democratic, which is looking increasingly unlikely late in the election, but if that comes to pass, some future Republican Senate would just pack it more.  There's be no reason not to, once that was established, and at that point the Court would be nothing more than an arm of the national legislature, the very thing the left wing fears the most.  

Indeed, if it's packed, why not paced, why not pack it with jurisprudential conservatives, that would approach the law the same way that judicial liberals do.  The results of that would be to rule from the bench in a way that conservatives have never done in the U.S., but which there could easily be found people who would do.  Right now, a liberal focus is on abortion, for example.  Judicial conservatives might, at the very most, say that there's no right protecting it to be found in the Constitution, which is actually quite unlikely at this point, and send it back to the states.  But jurisprudential conservatives could take the same approach to the law that judicial liberals have and find that abortion is contrary to the natural law and therefore contrary and hence illegal due to factors that underlie the Constitution and which are beyond it.  People like AOC who would pack the Court, if they have any intellectual honesty, which is doubtful as it would require reasoning beyond politics, would have to accept that even if they are in the highly liberal camp.

In Ginsburgh, Barrett, Sasse, and Markey, we have the reflection of what we noted  yesterday. Ginsburg was a symbol of her times, and a hero of them for legitimate reasons. But those times have passed.  The geriatric nature of the national government makes this something that, for those in it, that is hard to appreciate, and the unusual domination of a single generation, the Baby Boomers, in the culture of the Western World further obfuscated it.  But the oldest departing recent Supreme Court justices, Kennedy and Ginsburg, were well past their eras when the departed the bench, one voluntarily and one through death.

In her life, Ginsburg very much reflected her times. She was a pioneer in the law and in the life of women at the time, becoming a lawyer when it was hard just for women to enter the profession, and raising two children while having a career, the oldest of which, also a lawyer, is now 65 years old herself.  She was a political liberal in a liberal era, and lead a pioneering life.

Barrett, in her 40s, is by contrast younger than both of Justice Ginsburg's children and is a pioneer in her own right, but the kind that many of the left don't care for and fear, just as in the 70s Ginsburg was the same for some on the right.  Also a career women, she is the mother of a large family of seven, for which it is always noted that two were adopted.*** She's outwardly religiously devout where as it seems Ginsburg was secular, at least to appearances.  And Ginsburg quietly endorsed an activist judicial approach which accepted, in essence, that the populace would not go where it needed to on its own and had to be lead there, while Barrett takes the approach that the populace goes where it goes, and should be restrained only where it clearly has been structurally provided that it can't go there.

That this would create fights on the left is telling.  It makes sense that justices like Ginsburg were opposed on the right, as they accepted imposing changes from above and irrespective of democratic feelings on them.  It would seem that everyone would be more tolerant of the concept of imposing changes from below, except for the basic distrust that most people don't want to go some places.

But the acceptance of the imposition of change on the left is mostly because the right has never attempted that in the United States.  It most definitely has in other countries.  Indeed, while its often argued by some that the American Revolution was a "conservative revolution", the disproof of that is that we've never really had one.  Other countries most definitely have had conservative revolutions which imposed conservative ideals from the top.  The Spanish Civil War was a species of conservative revolution in its impact, for example.  It could be likewise argued that Petain's premiership from 1940 to 1945 in France likewise was.

This is not to argue that those are really fully analogous examples, and certainly not admirable ones.  Franco and Petain were definitely anti democratic, where as the American conservatives most definitely are pro democratic.  As noted, it's ironically the American left that tends to be somewhat anti democratic with that impulse existing even somewhat in the mainstream, although recently the hard alt right has flirted with being anti democratic as well.  Rather, the point is American conservatism has always limited its efforts to argument, in the mainstream.****Indeed, American conservatives have not argued for jurisprudentially conservative justices at any point, and don't even seem to know what that would mean.

So the question now becomes, in the short term, how society might deal with increased legislative activity being licensed and licensed at the local level, something that reverses a 90 year trend.  And the added question is how American liberalism, which even in conservative administrations has basically been either been in the driver's seat or right besides the driver with a hand on the wheel, reacts when this is no longer true.  Conservatives in most places are used to the idea of being "strangers in a strange land", i.e., at least somewhat outside of their own societies.  Liberals are not.

Added to that we're just beginning to see the very first reactions of the Cosmo Girl meeting the Twitter Girl.  That may seem to be superficial, but seeing what's gong on out there shows its not.  One hip, young, cool female Twitter figure defines herself as:
real. raw. bold. brave. Marian devotion to apocalyptic proportions. in the pursuit of corn juice.
No hip, cool, Boomer, when young, or ever, defined herself that way.

Changings of the guard are only smooth transitions in organizations that are designed for that.  Cultures, don't design for that.  And as we've noted before, cultures are sticky, yet plastic.  The times, turly, are a changin'

___________________________________________________________________________________


*Markey's South Boston unit contained at least two other then young future notable political figures and his two brothers.  Service in the Guard and Reserve was an honorable Vietnam War option and I'm not claiming the opposite.

**One of the weird ironies of the Me Too movement is that men should have been acting like Christian gentlemen, even though the movement has been grounded in a camp and industry that declared its animosity towards Christian values eons ago.  

This doesn't endorse male wolfish behavior, but so far none of the real backers of the movement have been able to state why men shouldn't act the way that they've been complaining about, even though everyone knows why they shouldn't.  Be that as it may, a society that was raised on a diet of the evolved products of Playboy and Cosmopolitan has taught the very horrific lessons that brought about the behavior now complained of.  In seeking to revive the old standard, in the guise of it being the new woke one, some argument has to be created to back it.  Just "you shouldn't" is an anemic argument and fails on its face.  Nobody makes the argument, however, as "you shouldn't" as it wrong, and its wrong because. . . well nobody wants to go there and discuss what else might be wrong.

***She was oddly accused of racism for adopting orphans from Haiti and criticized simply for having a large family, the latter an example of prejudice of varying types, some religious, but some generational.  The new woman, as viewed from the 60s and 70s, isn't supposed to have a large family.  The problem is, that some of the younger ones now do, as we noted yesterday.

****In the American South, however, this isn't always true by any means.  And there's no denying that Southern conservatism backed racism and went beyond arguments to back it.

Tuesday, October 27, 2020

The Conservative Tide?

NOTE:  This is one of the many posts here that were written over a series of days, or even weeks. Given that, there are events in it and references to posts not yet posted, or which were posted, that may seem sort of out of order, as they in fact are.


The crest of the modern, and quite liberal. . . for the moment, Canadian province of Quebec.  The fleur de lis recalls the Kingdom of France, the lion the United Kingdom, and the maple leafs Canada.  Below it all. . . "I remember".

This might seem like a bad time to bring this particular thread back up, particularly on a blog that ostensibly deals with historical topics rather than others, although this blog very obviously deals with a lot of things.

And besides that, the November election hasn't happened yet.

Barack Obama, the nation's first post Boomer President by some measures, or a late Boomer President by others, with Joe Biden (dob 1942) and Donald Trump (dob 1946).

And added to that, much of what we'll relate here is completely counterintuitive. . . at first blush.  Indeed, at the time we're typing this we're about to elect the most left wing administration in seventy years, protesters backing the most radical agendas imaginable have been out in the streets and their views are now regarded as quasi main stream, and the Pope just made a statement that's clearly contrary to long held Catholic morals and which gave comfort to Catholic radicals like Fr. James Martin, S.J. and left orthodox Catholics, and orthodox Christians in general, feeling betrayed and bewildered.

Pope Francis, (dob 1936), "A_Szentév_kapujának_megnyitása_2015_-_Opening_of_the_Holy_Door_2015_4.jpeg ‎(431 × 435 pixels, file size: 138 KB, MIME type: image/jpeg)"  Wikipedia Free Use.

So you  may ask, therefore, are you out of your mind?


Nope.

Having said all of that, we'll launch in.  If this topic isn't ripe, and we feel that it is, it will be soon.

But it is ripe.

Let's start by recapping the past four years and where that's taken us, although that four is really only part of seventy really, as we're about to end an era.  The Boomer Era.

The Short Term.

During the 2016 election one of the things we wrote about here is that the GOP would have to live with the results of a Trump Presidency.  Our feeling, at that time, was that Trump didn't reflect the old conservatism of the GOP but something else, with that something else being a sort of new, alt right, populism.  This isn't meant as a criticism although some might take it that way.  And frankly our predictions were only partially correct.

In reality, the Trump administration has been exceedingly difficult to define.  On some topics it has definitely been conservative in the most traditional and cultural sense. There's been, for example, no administration that was more "pro life" than Donald Trump's, a fact which has caused some people who would not otherwise do so to support him.  In other ways the administration has been purely populist.  

Personally, as has sometimes been noted, Donald Trump himself has been a strange and unlikely standard bearer for the conservative cause, a rich man with a problematic personal history and a crass personality, rather than a man representing national tradition in the conservative mold.

One thing that seems evident this election season, this pandemic season, and during the Red Summer of 2020 is that Conservatives have done a bad job of defining and advancing conservatism.

It isn't that conservatism doesn't have a set of values, goals and definitions.  It very much does.  It's more like the post Buckley conservatives have abandoned them for something else, even while still vaguely recalling that they are there.  In some ways, therefore, modern conservatism has been a blend of really old conservatism, of the pre Buckley and indeed even Pre Second World War type, combined with a remnant of Reaganism and mixed with populism.  That mix might work, but what it lacks overall is a figure who can cogently distill it into a discernible form.  Buckley, who would not have agreed with Trump on many things, was just such a man in an earlier era.  Such figures as Mark Steyn and Victor David Hanson seem unlikely to fit the bill.  Ross Douthat (dob 1979) might be the most likely person to occupy that position, but he clearly is outside of the Trump arena . . .which indeed may very well put him in first position.

What seems clear to me at this point is that following November 3, which is now very close, there's going to be a Republican reckoning.  If current trends hold, Joe Biden will be the next President and the Senate will probably be Democratic.  There will be a reckoning, we'd note, simply because of the first matter, but there will very much be one if both of those things come true.

Indeed, if they don't, the adjustment period for the GOP will be slower and more measured.  Figures like Mitch McConnell and Lindsey Graham who have been significant Republicans in government, but outside of the Administration itself, will be major influencers in what is to come for the party, much as Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer have been over the last four years.  That this is the case in the Democratic Party may not be evident as its lurched to the left, but Pelosi and Schumer were a brake on that trend. But for them, the party would now be much, much more left leaning than it currently is and chances are overwhelming that Joe Biden wouldn't be the current nominee.  Readers will note that Schumer is out of a position of overall leadership, but Pelosi is not and over the past two years that's been a hugely significant factor in the Democratic Party, which Schumer has participated in.

I doubt very much that Senate Republicans, should the body fall to the Democrats, will be in a similar position.  House Republicans have practically been unheard of in leadership matters for the past two years, which says something quite significant.

So where are things headed?

Well lets look back and look forward, as the direction of things may be clearer than it might at first seem.

In the immediate near term, we'd note, the entire country is going to be taking a big leftward leap. Big.  

But only in terms of the national legislature and the executive.

Now, that is pretty big, but at the same time we're about to experience a "conservative" return in the United States Supreme Court following the confirmation of Amy Coney Barrett (dob 1972).  That doesn't really mean what people seem to think it does, for reasons we've noted here repeatedly.  But it does mean that the Court may be sending things back to Congress and the state legislatures in record amounts. That will mean that both of those institutions will have to act in areas, particularly Congress, where they have not for eons.

What's much less clear right now is whether the GOP misfortune at the national level will translate into a local one anywhere. The Democrats control eighteen state legislatures.  Minnesota's is divided between the parties.  Every other legislature is Republican, if you include Nebraska, where the majority of legislators are Republicans but where the legislative races are non partisan.  

That's a closer split than we might presume.  It isn't as if legislators elect Senators anymore, of course, which would make a giant difference at the national level, but the seven state lead that the Republicans now have means that a generally conservative agenda will be in evidence at the state level overall, but barely overall, assuming that lead holds.

The Democrats, however, have targeted thirteen states this election where they think they might be able to flip them, and chances are good that at least Minnesota will go into the Democratic camp.  States where the GOP doesn't have a large legislature lead may be vulnerable this election.  The GOP lead has only existed since 2010 and therefore it represented a rightward drift, but that all came before the big left surge brought about by the Trump administration.

The reason this matters is this.  In Republican states legislation will continue to be generally conservative, but probably less conservative, than it has been in the past.  For a state like Wyoming, however, the legislature is probably about to do inot reaction over the next four years.

It won't go into reaction forever, nor will other similarly situated states where there has been an alt right drift, as at a national level things are going to happen that we're not going to like and simply complaining about it isn't going to do anything, nor is pretending that it isn't happening.  At first there will be some naive hope that the Court will reverse everything that Congress will be doing, but it won't.

And that will mean that there's a real danger that states that have been having a strong alt right drift are just going to be left out of things.  In recent years Wyoming politicians that tacked to Trump's views have been frequently in the national news.  But chances are high that the branch of the Republican Party that's strongly associated with Trump's administration are going to be left out of the a re-formed GOP.  Politicians that took an independent view in the GOP, such as Liz Cheney did during her last two years, are much better situated to rise in the party.  

As part of that the days of platforms that expressed really strong alt right concept that had some appeal to that wing, but not to the base, are likely over.  A Wyoming Senator was responsible for the insertion of a plank seeking to "return" the Federal lands to the states even though locals are adamantly opposed to such ideas.  Ideas like that are now part of the past.

As part of all of this the GOP, as a conservative party, is going to have to contemplate what its about.  Perhaps fortunately for it, what it will end up being about is already a demographic trend that will reform conservatism whether it wants to or not.  It's the passing of the bulge in the snake.

Before we get to that, however, we need to deal with society at large.

Or perhaps Boomer society would be more accurate.

The leftward tilt in politics has more than its fair share of young politicians. Still, it's impossible not to notice that is mostly lead by left leaning Boomers who came up in politics following 1968.  People like Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer not only feature in it, but still lead it.  Joe Biden can't be really regarded as part of it so much as somebody benefiting from the current political tide.  Kamala Harris (dob 1964) is, however, in the same demographic as Barack Obama, either an immediate post boomer or a very late term Boomer.  Anyone in that demographic, which includes your humble author, can't deny that politic and culture for this gap generation has been heavily influenced by the Boomers.

Now, not all Boomers are left leaning politically or culturally, to be sure. Witness, for example, teh current administration. But the events of the post war era were generally left leaning culturally and became very much so after 1968.  Culturally, the events that started off in the immeidate post war really bloomed into fruition and impacted every sector of society.  Insertion of libaralism impacted all of the political parties to some degree for awhile, and certainly moved the center line of the center significantly.  In the culture the single biggest impacts were the change in the work status of women, something brought about most significantly due to domestic industrialization, and the disastrous Sexual Revolution, somethign that is still being worked out most particularly among the aging boomers who are in charge of cultural definition due to their positions in the world.

We've written about this before here but one of the real ironies of this current election is that in some ways it's really the end and last gasp of Boomer liberalism, just as the election is also in some ways the end of late Boomer conservatism.  Political ideologies that were strongly formed post World War Two are still dominating the discussion on both end of the spectrum. That's about to end, and as it does, what is also coming up behind it is a large demographic change coincident, oddly enough, with the begging of the global decline in the population.

Where we're headed.

The trend was identified some time ago by demographer Eric Kaufman, a Canadian who teaches in the United Kingdom.  A well knowna nd respected demographer, he surprised people some time ago by presenting the pretty clear evidence that, coincident with population decline, there's been a giant increase in the percentage of the population globally that identified generally with what we'd regard as conservative or traditional ideals. Bits and pieces of the trend, sometimes attributed to completely disparate factors, have been picked up from other social sciences.  In some ways the the world has walked out of the long shadow of World War Two and the Cold War and into a new era.  That doesn't mean an era of universal peace and brotherly love, or anything of the kind, but rather a new, and much more conservative, era.

Kaufman noted in his work that the percentage of the population all over the world that identified with traditionalism and conservatism, and even nationalism, is dramatically rising.  And much of it is occuring in an old European cultural fashion, although not all of it.  Contrary to what American pollsters have noted on a very localized American level, religion is massively on the rise globally.  The fastest growing religion appears to be Islam, although there's some doubt on that, but right behind it is Catholicism.  Orthodoxy has massively revived in the Slavic East.  Traditional Hinduism is on the rise in India.  

In individual religious groups, moreover, the trend is even more pronounced.  In the United States, for example, a majority of Americans will be Catholics by mid Century.  Conservative Orthodox Judaism will make up nearly 1/3d if not 1/2s of American Judaism by the end of the current decade.  While "mainline" Protestantism has been suffering in the US as it has increasingly become theologically liberal, conservative Protestants of all types are on the rise.  

This is the case in the Catholic church as well, which is overall regarded as theologically conservative but which had a large swing to the religious left in some quarters in the 60s and 70s.  Church leaders in the Church today retain a fair number of individuals who came up in this era and who continue to have a mark upon the church, ironically frequently against the views of their younger parishioners who are theologically very well educated and conservative.  People form the outside tend to confuse this with the "Rad Trads", which they are not, but the mere existence of Rad Trads shows how much this is the case.  Among younger Catholics the line tends to be drawn between the orthodox young and the Rad Trads, which are two conservative camps.  Liberals exist, but they're increasingly a thing of the past and tend to be supported in existence only where there are remaining liberals form the 1970s.

Among the Orthodox in the US, at the same time, and evolution has occurred in which the Orthodox communities have moved from having a strong and declining national identity to instead focusing on their Orthodox nature, which in turn has brought in converts from Protestant faiths which have turned liberal.  It's also caused some Catholics from very liberal areas to make the move as well.*  Overall, however, Catholicism is set to become much more orthodox as older Bishops retire and younger, highly orthodox priests move into their place. As that section of the church has always been well represented, the change will be very swift in the Northern hemisphere when it comes.  It's already dominant in Africa and Asia.


A lot of this has to do with a focus in these groups on families in a traditional sense.  To put it purely in the US context, but to provide an example that's illustrative globally, the main line Protestant religions have been traditionally white and upwardly mobile, the same demographic in the US which, starting in the 1970s, basically quit replacing itself.  If demographics is destiny, as liberals like to proclaim, that's a strategy for demographic death.  And its now happening.  Overall population in the European world will continue to decline.  In the US its population increase is solely due to immigration, which is set in the US at a massively  high rate compared to other nations.  In both of these instances, however, that amplifies the trend.  In most countries where there isn't an ethos that requires a high immigration rate for misunderstood economic beliefs or myths, the overall population will continue to go down while the percentage of those being discussed here, paradoxically, goes up.  In the US this is also true, but it's amplified by the immigration of populations from religiously traditional regions.

But viewing this solely as a religious family situation would be in error.  In other ways it's clear that a return to traditionalism, albeit modified traditionalism, is now a definite trend.  You can see it in all sorts of things, including popular culture.

One of the oddest things I've seen during my adult years is the explosion of food programs. That may seem like an odd thing to note here, but their existence and their evolution is telling in this context.  

In the 1970s and early 80s there was sort of an odd theme about how young women didn't know how to cook anymore, and young men never had.  There was no such thing as a "Foodie".  Young people were presumed to live on Ramen noodles (which are disgusting) until they married, and when they did they go by somehow if they didn't have means.  If they did, and were a double income couple ("dinc's"), then sort of the social ideal they ate out.  And then came November 1993.

On November 22, 1993, the Food Network began broadcasting. That may not seem significant in this story, but it is.  Prior to 1993 cooking shows were regarded as an amusing anachronism of the 1950s, which were seen as a remnant of an image of the 1950s that never was.  Never mind that the acme of television cooking, Julia Childs, was actually a World War Two OSS agent whose fellow former OSS husband lost his job during the McCarthy era, she and the entire genre were regularly lampooned by the hip, cool, and persistently left wing Saturday Night Live for years.

Well at some point people quit making fun of the food programs, and for their part, they no longer were what they once were. They were hip, cool and aimed at the young, and full of advice on how to prepare the gourmet dishes they were offering at home. For that matter, not all were gourmet by any means, and one Food Network bastion, Rachel Ray, went from traveling on "Forty Dollars A Day" to preparing basic home meals, like your mother who used to cook for the entire family used to make (assuming your mother did that) in thirty minutes.

None of that may seem like a cultural conservative revolution, but food reflects on the culture and it is.  In the early 70s the concept was that the young were getting stoned at Studio 54, and nobody thought of much of the spouse of the Canadian Prime Minster being photographed sitting on its floor wearing a miniskirt and showing too much.  By the late 1970s and 1980s dinc's still viewed eating out as the standard and people proudly stated "I never eat at home". Well, by the 1990s they were and by now a staple of the food channels are home cooked meals for a family, often with an ethnic emphasis.

That latter item also is demonstrative of a developing type of conservatism that's being missed.  For most of American history conservatism was defined in a WASPish way, except in rural areas of strong other ethnic character.  The "Protestant Work Ethic" defined an aspect of American culture and an aspect of "Americanism" was conforming to a certain WASPish ideal.  Ethnic communities strove to conform to it.  One individual I know whose grandparents were from Armenia noted how they strove to abandon their Armenian identification and to be identified as "Americans", including speaking in a foreign tongue they'd not grown up with.  In my childhood many people resented even the commonly claimed ethnic identifiers, like "Irish Americans", and noted they were Americans, not hyphenated anything.  My own father, whose father spoke German and English due to his place of birth, and who was half Irish and half German by descent, never identified with either and never made any effort to observe the Americanized Irish national day, St. Patrick's Day (my Canadian born mother, however, certainly observed it, but in a much more traditionally Irish way).

Certainly, of course, "ethnic" food existed, but it wasn't domestic in the way its become and remained often distinctly eating out ethnic. Nearly any town of substance had an Italian restaurant and, at least in this region, one or more Mexican restaurant. Chinese restaurants seem to be universal everywhere.  But beyond that, there wasn't much, and not much in terms of restaurants that incorporated those fares into their menu outside of those categories.  Our town had a couple of restaurants that were run by Greek immigrants, for example, but you would not have known it but for maybe one or two speciality items on the menu.  When I was a kid a German immigrant had a family diner and it did have some items that German Americans would recognize, but there was no particular emphasis on it (and indeed, well into the 70s in some areas emphasizing a German menu might have been a mistake).  In big cities ethnic neighborhoods usually had ethnic restaurants, of course.

None of that is surprising and all of that would seem to cut against the point.  But here is the point.  Food Network spends hours and hours per day with programming that shows the viewers how to cook Italian (or whatever) meals at home, "like my mother did", with the idea that you are going to do that. When not doing that, its spending hours and hours per day showing you how to make fast American meals large enough to feed an army, or in at least one case how to feed your presumed big ranch family.  To at least some extent, people watching The Pioneer Woman see themselves in her role, the matron of an agricultural family where the men are out working, and she's manning the large capacity and high demand kitchen.

Indeed, riffing from that, television has become fascinated with families in general, and particularly large ones.  The Duggars, a giant family living an extremely conservative lifestyle, commanded television viewership for years before one of their sons took them down due to a fascination with procreating that strayed outside of his family fold and which was generally icky.   At the same time viewers watched "Kate" and her eight children which wasn't any more interesting other than that she had a bunch of kids at one time.  That too fell to domestic discontent, but now viewers can watch Out Daughtered about a somehat whiney husband and his cute but tough as nails wife and their large collection of kinder.  None of this really resembles watching the single protagonist in the Mary Tyler Moore Show, or her friend Rhoda, or Maude.

Indeed one such liberal television female of the 70s is emblematic of this transformation in some ways.  Valerie Bertinelli portrayed the liberal teenager in One Day At A Time in the 70s, a member of an all female household.  Now 60 years old, she's cooking traditional Italian meals on. . . the Food Channel.

Hmm. . . 

Of course, careful readers of this august cyber tome will note that we've noted the moral sewer which is television before and declaring, therefore, a cultural conservative revival being reflected in it is problematic.  And it is.

But there are several things here to consider.  First of all, television reflects back at us as to who we are, but it also reflects forwards as to what the producers are.  Hollywood has been a moral sinkhole for reasons of its own since day one, and as part of that its always pitched as low to our baser instincts as possible.  Early big film productions were frequently pornographic even by today's standards, a situation that was brought temporarily to heel only by the Film Production Code.  Television operated in restraint out of fear of FCC regulation until its boundaries were slowly expanded and broken.    Pitching to baser instincts work, as long as people are willing to tolerate them, as people are interested in them.

But non fiction shows that are aimed at something else appeal at a different level, if even to the same people.  Food shows and shows depicting families are aimed at something else.  That people are interested in sex on television may mean nothing more than than that are interested in sex, although television has certainly been part of the missive change of the Sexual Revolution and the destructiveness that it's brought in with it.  Interest in such basics as food and raising kids are aimed at something else and reflective of something going on in the culture.

Even on the small screen elsewhere something is going on, even if it remains, almost by prescription, routinely morally problematic.  Having said that the recent film Greyhound may be telling.  Taken from the CS Forester novel The Good Shepherd, its notable that Tom Hanks' (who is Russian Orthodox) adaptation is apparently the only Forester novel in which the captain of the ship is outwardly religious, with even the title referring to the New Testament.  In Hank's adaptation he definitely is.  Elisabeth Shue shows up as a love interest, but in a remarkably understated and traditionally Christian way.  The entire movie is one of virtue in the most traditional sense, emphasizing deep personal sacrifice.  Greyhound looks like a morality play compared to The Big Red One, even though, in some ways, their underlying theme is extremely similar.

This is also evident in other activities that people are participating in, some of them now amplified by the Coronavirus Pandemic.  Hunting, an activity that was decreasing in the 70s and 80s, started to rebound in the 1990s and now significantly has.  As part of that women are joining the activity in unprecedented numbers, something that reflects not only a return to the civilization status quo ante, but the way that this topic has evolved, something we'll address more below.  Women coming to hunting doesn't reflect a sort of feminist statement so much as it does an interesting conservative evolution. At any rate, this trend was ongoing before, but the pandemic has hugely amplified it, as it is many of these trends.

It's also amplifying gardening, a highly related activity.

The most extreme version of this is the agrarian "homesteading" movement, featuring a definite misuse of the word. Strongly rooted in a sort of agrarian ideal, it's been it the works now for probably a decade.  While its easy to find information regarding it in the US, it's spread to Canada as well and is also going on in Europe where young farmers have returned either to old farms owned by their families or purchased small farms that production farmers are no longer using as part of larger units.  During the recent economic downturn in Greece, a long term and systemic problem, it was particularly noted that young people whose grandparents had last been on family farms were going back to them, effectively skipping an entire generation in the process in sort of an Agrarian "Okay, Boomer" moment.  The situation in France has been similar, but with a longer generational gap involved.

Women, it should be noted, have been part of the last several items in a way that they were not in earlier eras. Certainly women gardeners are nothing new, but women agrarian farmers in their current roles are an evolution from prior eras. Women hunters and fishermen are at all time high rates in human history, which should show that what's occured, in some ways, is that feminism has cycled through the left and come back out, in this form, on the right.

This is also true of careerism.

The entire story of women in the workplace has been really badly done. As we've noted here before, it was never really the case that women worked during World War Two, suddenly were acclimated to work and then came the "Women's Liberation" movement. Rather, as we've maintained here, the advent of domestic machinery in the 20th Century reached a critical point following the Second World War which made women's domestic labor surplus to the households and freed them for other employment, which they took up pretty rapidly. That was coincident with the Second World War's employment of women in the emergency, but that had also occurred to a remarkable extent during the First World War as well.

What did occur is that a group of social movements, some of which had roots at least as far back as the 1910s, benefitted from this and to some extent co-opted it.  Feminism as a movement didn't have its origins in the 1960s and 70s, but rather in the Suffrage movement that dated back to the 1860s.  The suffrage movement was split all along between radical and focused elements, with the focused element (the majority) really focused singly on the vote.  Radical elements, however, resembled later feminist to a large degree, but in ways that were of course central to their times.  By the 1910s the more radial elements had broken into other causes, with perhaps Margaret Sanger's birth control movement being the most notable. Generally understood later on to be a woman's cause, Sanger's movement had a strongly racist element in that she was fearful of the growth of the African American population.  Nonetheless, the movement gave an early indication on how women's causes were either being developed or other causes were co-opting existing women's movements.

In the 1960s this expanded into a radical feminist alliance with what effectively was the pronography industry following the introduction of pharmaceutical birth control  Playboy, introduced in 1953, taught that all women were big boobed, easy, dumb, and sterile.  With the introduction of pharmaceutical birth control radical feminist allied themselves partially with pornographers, and indeed Cosmopolitan was semi pornographic, in order to argue the easy part as an attack on marriage.  The concept at the time was that with rising female employment, something that had been a year by year feature of the 20th Century since its dawn, an era had now been reached in which marriage could be eliminated or redefined to exclude much of its traditional aspects, and therefore they pushed the "easy" and sterile parts of the Playboy myth, if not the big boobed and dumb parts (Coso women were think, barely dressed, and smart in their portrayals).

With this came the real push in careerism that was otherwise already occurring post World War Two.

Prior to World War Two a majority of American men didn't graduate from high school, although the situation was approaching parity with those who did. A majority of American women by 1940 did, but a large percentage still did not.  My father and his siblings, all of whom were in school during World War Two, did graduate from high school but my father's father had not and in fact had not even attended it.  My mother, like my father, was a college graduate but interestingly not a high school graduate as she'd been taken out of school at age 16 to work.  It's important to note that all of these people were highly intelligent.  It's the situation that was different.

One of the differences is that was that work was generally grasped by the majority of people as something they needed to do to support themselves and their families.  Often the economic quality fo work was judged in that fashion.  Statements at the time, and even into my teen years, about the need to "get a good job to support a family" were common.  I never heard, the entire time I was growing up, about anyone needing a good job in order to buy nice things or go on vacations.  Rich people were not despised but they also were not really quite envied the way that they later were.

All of that started changing after World War Two but it really took into the 1970s and 80s for it to really get rolling. The generation that started the 1970s off singing Taking Care Of Business was digging Wall Street by the 1980s. Entire professions have ultimately come to be entirely money focused the way they never were before.  As an example, in the 1910s and 20s it was common in mid sized cities and even in large towns for a physician to start a private hospital as sort of a community focused charitable and humanitarian endeavor.  By the 1930s communities everywhere had taken over those institutions.  Now, the government owned ones are being taken over by for profit companies.  We've reprivatized, but now with the same focus.

Starting about a decade ago, however, Boomer employers started to notice that the generation just entering work had a much different focus on work.  They were no longer that dedicated to it as an end all and be all.  Large numbers of the entering generation were willing to drop out of work for long periods of time just to "experience things".  Alternative work situations sprung up.  As noted already on the discussion on agrarian returnees, many young, and well educated, members of society dropped out of traditional work situations entirely.

This lead to the quasi myth of the "slacker".  To some extent this image has some validity as some members of the youngest work age generation came to give up hope of productive lives in an economy that's become increasingly urban and alien to human impulses.  And the reduction in the societal expectation that couples marry and undertake the responsibilities that come along with that has lengthened childhood, particularly for men.  But all throughout society the careerist goals and focus that existed into the 1990s has really declined and is almost dead among younger generations.  

With women, this means that the lie about people finding "fulfillment" in their work, something promised by feminist, has been fully exposed.  Almost nobody finds fulfillment at work. Now very few believe that and the discussion about that as an aspect of employment has vanished.  

We're just on the cusp of this development and where it leads is hard to discern.  To an extent, however, it returns people to a more traditional way of looking at work.

Also more traditional is the return of domestic situations which had seemed to vanish forever.  

In 1981 when I graduated from high school it was the case that some high school colleagues were leaving their parents homes immediately and forever.  This view is one that had come up in the 60s and 70s.  But prior to that, as we've discussed before, it was uncommon.  Men usually remained in their parents households until they married, or if they didn't, they usually had what they viewed as temporary living arrangements that were necessitated by work or school.  Women exhibited this to an even larger degree.  By the late 60s this was changing and a new world, imagined as glamours, came in.  This was reflected to a degree in entertainment in such films as The Apartment from 1960, which depicted two young, unmarried, people who had living arrangements reflective of the period.  Protagonist C. C. "Bud" Baxter has an apartment, in a building which we learn is otherwise generally urban and middle class (his neighbor is a married physician).  The female protagonist, Fran Kubelik, is living with her sister and brother in law and engaged in an illicit relationship with the senior figure at her office.


Citing a movie might seem to be bad form, but that 1960 depiction is telling in many ways. Baxter is of an age at which in an earlier era he might be like the male figures in It's A Wonderful Life, living at home if they're not married.  Kubelik isn't living at home, but the female protagonist is living with her married sister.  She's also engaged in an illicit sexual affair but is not negatively portrayed in the film for it.  Her last name, Kubelik, is one of strong ethnicity (Czech) and her brother in law is a blue collar taxi driver.  Without really mentioning it, its subtly suggested that Kubelik isn't really fallen, and the budding romance between the WASP Baxter and the almost certainly Catholic Kubelik will work out.

We can read a lot into that, and The Apartment isn't regarded as a risque film by any measure.  It stands in blistering contrast, however, to Marty, which portrayed a much different set of urban realities just five years earlier in 1955.  The male protagonist is an aging blue collar meat cutter who wants to get married. He lives with his mother.  The female protagonist is an aging school teacher who also wants to get married.  Marty, when introducing his situation to her, emphasizes that he can likely buy the butcher shop where he works.  Both of the characters are Catholic.  A more recent treatment of the same themes is presented in the recent film Brooklyn, which is set in the same locality in the same era and basically treats all of the same issues identically.

Looking at it from a personal angle, my father left home for the first time, to live, when he went to the University of Nebraska.  He then entered the Air Force. But when he got out of the service he returned home and lived at his mother's home (his father had died a decade prior) until my parents married.  My mother, on the other hand, had entered the work force during World War Two due to economic desperation in her family in Quebec.  She boldly moved out to Alberta at the invitation of an uncle who had employment for her there, and who wanted to try to separate her from the situation in Quebec which he felt was one of low prospect. At some point, and I"m not sure where, she lived with her sister, who also had left home and was working.  She came to the United States to be a bridesmaid for another sister in Denver, over the objection of her uncle, and then came to this town as it had work, taking a basement apartment where the upstairs was occupied by the owner and her husband.

Now, we find, press reports that are full of the "new" trend of adult children returning to their parents homes.

This was going on before the recent Coronavirus pandemic, we should note, although there are now lots of news stories emphasizing it in that context, as its increased it. But this isn't a "new" phenomenon in real terms, but a return to a prior living standards, as noted above.  

Some of this is due, we'd note, to the bulge in the snake phenomenon we've noted before.  World War Two brought about a change in living conditions, although it took some time to fully manifest, as it forcibly separated a lot of young men from their households and it demanded the employment of a lot of young women.  When the generation that fought the Second World War was sending its kids to school in the 1960s, in a lot of ways it was sending them away.  This didn't seem that odd to them, as they'd been displaced young, and a generation that had been forced to enter the adult world before its time naturally, if highly imperfectly, saw that as the  norm.  The Baby Boom generation that had experienced that did as well, although they recall it imperfectly.  

In reality we now know that people in their 20s fit into nearly another age related class than other people, or actually do. They're definitely not teenagers but they don't really have the reasoning faculties that pertain to adulthood in the same fashion that adults do.  If they don't resemble teenagers in their thinking they often don't resemble adults of just a few years later either.  Part of the massive disruption brought about by the 1960s reflected that as not only was it a time of great social change and cultural change, but the very young were being forced into it.

Since some point in the 1990s the same age demographic has taken themselves back out of that arena in large measure.  Part of this is that they're simply smarker, and older if you will, than the same age group was in the 1960s and 1970s.  It's created some interesting conflicts as the Boomer generation has continued to assume that life for it is as it was for them, in the 2020s, even though a lot of their generational decision making was horrifically bad.

At any rate, as this has played out, individuals in their 20s and 30s have found themselves moving back in with their parents. A lot of those parents are either very late stage Boomers or post Boomers themselves.  The Boomer generation has reacted with some horror and surprise to this, and indeed, I've personally been told by one 1969 high school graduate that sending children far, far away to from their homes is part of the necessary experience of university.  Maybe it is, or isn't, but if it is, it' ssomething that seems to reflect the view of those who went to university in the 60s, 70s and to some extent in the 80s.  And a lot of that has to due with how people view work, which we've addressed above.  Suffice it to say, however, that if the purpose of going to university is to get a "good job" and then pursue that job at all costs, well that's one thing.  If its for something else, and may even be ancillary to your life, it's something else. That will impact a lot of a person's approach to these topics.


Not everything is changing, of course, and we're also not saying that Chesterton's observations about "going back" are coming into fruition, at least not in full.  But some of going forward involves going back, and cultures are plastic and sticky.  We've been living through an unprecedented era of history that goes back to the 1930s and present to our very day.  The generation that came up in the 30s and 40s is still in power, but it very rapidly will cease to be. The ones taking their seats at the table are generations that have lived in the wake of the history of the Boomers and who have, in varying but large degrees, but unhappy with it.  As the country is about to take a big jump to the political left, the evidence is that they're already looking for the exit to the right.

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*While guessing is premature, my guess is that Pope Francis recent statement on same gender "civil unions", made after we started this thread, will cause a small move from Catholicism to Orthodoxy among some Rad Tad Catholics, although it would be a bit ironic as what Pope Francis is suggesting appears to be an accomodation to the current civil reality, albeit one that's clearly extraordinary problematic from a Catholic perspective and one which requires correction.  It's ironic in that the Orthodox did the same thing many years ago in regard to divorce and remarriage, which Orthodoxy tolerates up to three times in some instances.